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Pastoral care in the parish church

3 Sacred and profane: Pastoral care in the parish church The fourteenth-century conduct poem How the Goode Wife Taught Hyr Doughter begins by establishing the centrality of the church in the life of the medieval laywoman. Good conduct on the part of the daughter is founded upon supporting the parish church: spiritually, financially, and through good behaviour. Doughter, and thou wylle be a wyfe, Wysely to wyrche in all thi lyfe Serve God, and kepe thy chyrche, And myche the better thou shal wyrche. To go to chyrch, lette for no reyne, And that schall helpe thee

in The church as sacred space in Middle English literature and culture

The church as sacred space places the reader at the heart of medieval religious life, standing inside the church with the medieval laity in order to ask what the church meant to them and why. It examines the church as a building, idea, and community, and explores the ways in which the sanctity of the church was crucial to its place at the centre of lay devotion and parish life. At a time when the parish church was facing competition for lay attention, and dissenting movements such as Lollardy were challenging the relevance of the material church, the book examines what was at stake in discussions of sanctity and its manifestations. Exploring a range of Middle English literature alongside liturgy, architecture, and material culture, the book explores the ways in which the sanctity of the church was constructed and maintained for the edification of the laity. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary theoretical approaches, the book offers a reading of the church as continually produced and negotiated by the rituals, performances, and practices of its lay communities, who were constantly being asked to attend to its material form, visual decorations, and significance. The meaning of the church was a dominant question in late-medieval religious culture and this book provides an invaluable context for students and academics working on lay religious experience and canonical Middle English texts.

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vestments, and one of the raiders profanes a consecrated host, thus making Jesus himself a victim of the Black and Tans.7 Admittedly Guinan’s parish priest and curate both held that killing RIC constables was immoral.8 But the discourse of clerical victimhood which his book advanced nonetheless served to supplant the memory of clerical condemnation of IRA violence during the War of Independence. In his 1949 witness statement to the Bureau of Military History, Bishop Fogarty of Killaloe said that he had believed at the time that ‘the national interest would over-­ride such

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
Matthew Tindal and the Scriptures

distinguished good from evil. This too was nonsense, Clarke insisted, because God’s natural attributes cannot be separated from his moral ones. These two kinds of deists united in their implicit commitment to ‘down-right Atheism’ and in their ‘Profane and debauched’ behaviour.17 Clarke did not impute immorality to the other two sorts of deists, however. The third sort acknowledged God’s providential management of his creation and the distinction between moral good and evil; they parted paths with Christians, though, in denying the human soul’s immortality and, hence, of any

in Reformation without end
Open Access (free)
The historian and the male witch

perform magic. Monter argues that ‘the judges of Rouen inflicted such severe punishments on those shepherds … not because they were magicians, but because they profaned the eucharist, the body of Christ.’ 35 This particular statement concerns the reason for the unusual severity of the Rouen Parlement toward male witches, not the reason for their existence in the first place; however, shortly before he makes this comment

in Male witches in early modern Europe

authority as messengers of God.3 The explication of this choice in their farewell sermons moved the Bartholomeans to examine how they saw themselves, their godly constituents, and the profane world ranged against them. I The ministers ejected from the Church of England in 1662 may, in many cases, have associated with one another during the Interregnum, but these informal networks did not amount to an organised party within the Church, nor were they united by a common manifesto. Even those older Bartholomeans who had signed one of the Testimonies of 1648 or participated in

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
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Global kosher and halal markets

logic in this type of analysis is that religion, on the one hand, and dietary understandings and practices, on the other hand, are inseparable forces shaping human cosmology. In seminal studies of food and religion/​cosmology by Lévi-​Strauss (1968), Émile Durkheim (1995) and Mary Douglas (1972, 1975, 2002), binaries such as edible/​inedible, sacred/​ profane, and raw/​cooked are vital. Barthes writes that to eat is a behaviour that develops beyond its own ends and thus it is a sign vital to individual, group, and national identities (1975:  72). Simultaneously, basic

in Religion, regulation, consumption
Open Access (free)

the international ecclesiastical scene has not been investigated to any significant degree. For instance, political histories of seventeenth-century France routinely refer to the political functions of the episcopate, whose members, like François Faure of Amiens, acted as local power brokers, governing forces and even royal ministers.22 They rarely enquire about the elastic twists that many of them required of their consciences in order to reconcile their profane responsibilities with their role as spiritual officers of the ecclesiastical realm. Similarly, over the

in Fathers, pastors and kings

embrace heterodoxies, including deism, Socinianism, and even atheism, was confirmed when the notorious freethinker, John Toland, returned to his native Dublin in 1697, although he quickly left Ireland following a parliamentary order for his arrest, together with the public burning of his Christianity not mysterious (1696). Whilst parliamentary legislation enacted in 1695 enforced sabbatarianism and penalised profane cursing and swearing and the

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
Rome and the Bible

. Sheehan, ‘Temple and Tabernacle: The Place of Religion in Early Modern England’, in P. Smith and B. Schmidt (eds), Making Knowledge in Early Modern Europe: Practices, Objects and Texts, 1400–1800 (Chicago, 2007), pp. 248–72; J. Sheehan, ‘The Altars of the Idols: Religion, Sacrifice and the Early Modern Polity’, JHI 67 (2006), pp. 649–73; J. Sheehan, ‘Sacred and Profane: Idolatry, Antiquarianism and the Polemics of Distinction in the Seventeenth Century’, P&P 192 (2006), pp. 35–66. Ibid., p. 52. Cf. J. Champion, ‘Legislators, Impostors and the Politic Origins of Religion

in Reformation without end