Works of travel have been the subject of increasingly sophisticated studies in recent years. This book undermines the conviction with which nineteenth-century British writers talked about darkest Africa. It places the works of travel within the rapidly developing dynamic of Victorian imperialism. Images of Abyssinia and the means of communicating those images changed in response to social developments in Britain. As bourgeois values became increasingly important in the nineteenth century and technology advanced, the distance between the consumer and the product were justified by the scorn of African ways of eating. The book argues that the ambiguities and ambivalence of the travellers are revealed in their relation to a range of objects and commodities mentioned in narratives. For instance, beads occupy the dual role of currency and commodity. The book deals with Henry Morton Stanley's expedition to relieve Emin Pasha, and attempts to prove that racial representations are in large part determined by the cultural conditions of the traveller's society. By looking at Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness, it argues that the text is best read as what it purports to be: a kind of travel narrative. Only when it is seen as such and is regarded in the context of the fin de siecle can one begin to appreciate both the extent and the limitations of Conrad's innovativeness.
Adjusting the contrast National and cultural identity, ethnicity and difference have always been major themes within the national psyche. People are witnessing the rise and visibility of far-right politics and counter-movements in the UK and USA. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to defend the role of public service media. This book emerges at a time when these shifts and conjunctures that impact on and shape how 'race' and racial difference are perceived. They are coinciding with rapidly changing media contexts and environments and the kinds of racial representations that are constructed within public service broadcasting (PSB), specifically the BBC and Channel 4. The book explores a range of texts and practices that address the ongoing phenomenon of race and its relationship to television. Policies and the management of race; transnationalism and racial diversity; historical questions of representation; the myth of a multicultural England are also explored. It interrogates three television primarily created by women, written by women, feature women in most of the lead roles, and forcefully reassert the place of women in British history. The book contributes to the range of debates around television drama and black representation, examining BBC's Shoot the Messenger and Top Boy. Finally, it explores some of the history that led to the belated breakthrough of Black and Asian British comedy. The book also looks at the production of jokes about race and colour prior to the 1980s and 1990s, and questioning what these jokes tell us about British multiculturalism in this period.
This chapter focuses on interviews that feature the contemporary perspectives of Black Britons working within the London television market. Issues for discussion with the interviewees included representations of race and class, programming and opportunities for minorities, empowerment and opportunity, Americanisation as an influence, the birth of Black-owned Identity Television, presence, diversity and the future of Black Britons on BBC television. Subjects include recent BBC Director of Multicultural Programming Jan Oliver, cultural critic Stuart Hall, actor Treva Etienne, journalist Neema Kambona, BBC presenter Brenda Emmanus, journalist Kadija George-Sesay and BBC Diversity Manager Cyril Husbands. Follow-up interviews years later continue these discussions of, among other issues, newer programmes, current representations, and future possibilities for diverse programming. By comparison, their concerns exemplify the challenges still facing these professionals of colour when dealing with the hegemony and patronage of the BBC and the British television industry. Through a series of open-ended questions, media professionals comment on the BBC and its broadcast policies. These discussions occurred within the 1990s and were considered a turning point by some for racial representations on British television. Each question and subsequent response reflect decades of personal experiences with the service.
embrace the ‘muscular Christianity’ formerly reserved
for the public schools, as this would be a route to combating
‘degeneracy’ and the ‘savage’ instincts of
the urban poor, while this study has only touched upon the class and
gender messages carried within racialrepresentations, it is certain
that the popularity and longevity of the ‘colonial subject’
within the classroom and popular literature rested
their product, the commoditisation of
experience and of person, and on the relationship between the literature
and its society afford the opportunity for an implicit contrast with
ideas of travel and heroism earlier in the century, and prove, I hope
beyond any doubt, that racialrepresentations are in large part
determined by the cultural conditions of the traveller’s society;
that these therefore
Tutsi body in the 1994 genocide 227
generally described as simple ‘peasants’, and the latter as a more
calculating, ‘feudal’ class.2 This system of classification was based
on stereotypical racialrepresentations, Tutsis being described
as tall with thin noses and a lofty bearing, as opposed to Hutus,
who were short, stocky, and flat-nosed. The Tutsis were sometimes
even described as ‘false negroes’, as Europeans with black skin.
This system of classification was the official policy of the Belgian
colonialists, and was even extended to identity cards, which stated
colour when dealing with the
hegemony and patronage of the BBC and the British television industry.
Through a series of open-ended questions, media professionals comment
on, among other things, the BBC and its broadcast policies. These discussions occur within the 1990s, considered a turning point by some for racialrepresentations on British television. Each question and subsequent
response reflects decades of personal experiences with the Service.
Chapter 5 highlights the BBC under Director-General Greg Dyke, a leader
thought to represent the best chance for
Playing black in late seventeenth-century France and Spain
foreign queen consorts influenced the circulation of racialrepresentations across European borders (Ndiaye 2016 ). For more examples of
transnational queen consorts’ cultural influence at
large, see Britland ( 2006 ), Gough ( 2005 ) and Cole (Chapter 10 in this
Among the most representative
Detection, deviance and disability in Richard Marsh’s Judith Lee stories
’, in Adventures of Judith Lee, pp. 39–73 (p. 60); subsequent
references to this story are given in the text.
36 Bardi, ‘Gypsy as Trope’, p. 15.
37 Nord, Gypsies and the British Imagination, p. 6.
38 B. Cheyette, Constructions of ‘the Jew’ in English Literature and Society: RacialRepresentations, 1875–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1993), pp. 9, 12.
39 Nord, Gypsies and the British Imagination, p. 3.
40 Marsh, ‘Conscience’, p. 460; ‘Restaurant Napolitain’, p. 687.
41 J. Höglund, ‘Black Englishness and concurrent voices in Richard Marsh’s
German investigations of Australian Aboriginal skeletal remains, c. 1860
skulls or from using his sympathetic
portraits of Billy and Tilki as racialrepresentations.
Whereas Becker seems to have engaged in these dehumanising
investigations in the belief this would contribute to the
‘amelioration’ of the living conditions of Australia's colonised
peoples, Ecker and Lucae had no interest in the living individuals whose remains
they investigated, other than as representatives of their ‘race’. As