Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.
Surveillance, collective punishment and the cutting edge of police power
, cultures and practices of state racism and policing during decolonisation. This counterinsurgency policing in the dying days of Empire used surveillance, mass incarceration, forced migration and coercive violence against ‘suspect communities’. Interestingly, this colonial policing also used the language of ‘gangs’ to depict the targets of state violence. This power of distortion, to portray groups of people as criminal, influences raciststereotypes in the postcolonial period. This racist ‘grammar’, argues Hortense Spillers, finds its way into our present ‘from the
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
The ambiguous social mix of the Palestinians of Israel in Haifa
be ‘respectable’, due both to the fact that it is
close to the city’s psychiatric hospital and to the ethnic
origins of the majority of the residents and people who frequent it. In
particular, raciststereotypes promote the idea that Russians are given
to drinking, doing drugs and fighting. These stereotypes are further
reinforced by the very tight control of the police over the
unable to defy raciststereotyping and who are interested only in
advancing ‘Western imperial domination of the East’
(Kerr, 1980 : 546–7). Kerr instead
appeals, as does Snodgrass, to the ‘individual goodwill of
scholars’, although, unlike her, he dismisses any association
of their work with the Orientalist project. In other words, he
reifies the scholar’s ability to step outside
seen or detected in processes, attitudes
and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwilling
prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and raciststereotyping
which disadvantage minority ethnic people.4
Other definitions depict institutional racism as a dynamic
between individual behaviour and institutional norms whereby
excluded groups face discrimination and then are blamed for their
‘failure’. Discriminatory outcomes experienced by minorities
Multicultualism in Ireland
become understood as their own fault (their ‘failure’ becomes
Resistance, respectability and Black deaths in police custody
justice, draws on raciststereotypes and histories of lynch logic in British ports during the 1919 ‘race riots’ 2 and attacks on Blacks in Nottingham (East Midlands) and Notting Hill (west London) in 1958. 3 It also echoes British colonial penal systems and the chilling violence associated with Jim Crow America. While there was no evidence that Duwayne knew their attackers, or harassed the women in question that evening, he was effectively detained as a suspect – police refused to allow him to travel in the ambulance with his dying friend.
Less than an hour after
laughing. Then Salvatore said, ‘but Ibra, where are you? I can only see two people and a black stain in the middle!’ Salvatore used his learned Wolof as a weapon against Ibra in his malicious joking. He appealed to the innocent and open nature of these pedagogic interactions whilst, at the same time, using them as part of a vigorous and sharp takedown that drew on raciststereotypes that black people don’t show up in photographs because of their skin tone.
11 Ibra, Giovanni and colleague in front of Giovanni’s shop
Knowing how to talk
For migrants usch
dancers from the Dutch colony of Java (Young, 2008 : 339).
Between the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, Paris was regularly transformed into a plantation of colonial fantasies that produced raciststereotypes. Even after the first official abolition of slavery was signed in 1827, the celebrations of colonial expansionism and public exhibitions of wealth remained common cultural events (Blanchard et al., 2008 : 5). Between 1877 and 1912, there were at least thirty human exhibitions in Paris alone (Blanchard et al., 2001b ). Their magnitudes
purity. As the sociologist Ben Carrington points out, notions of the royals having a distinct blood category – ‘blue blood’ – are classed and racialised metaphors referring to someone with such pale skin that blood vessels were visible underneath, and therefore they did not work in the fields where the sun would darken skin.
Prior to Harry and Meghan's engagement, the Daily Mail reported that ‘Harry's girl is (almost) Straight Outta Compton’, drawing on raciststereotypes of Black urban poverty