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David Lipset

there has been an unacknowledged relationship of Manchester anthropology that Max Gluckman promoted, and in which F. G. Bailey was trained, to a small network of Melanesianists, myself included. The chapter begins with a brief account of the orientation and interests of what I shall call ‘Mancunian Realism’, Gluckman’s actor-centred methodology. I then appraise the political

in The anthropology of power, agency, and morality
Gavin Smith

proximate ‘reality’. The problem of the elusive and variable interweaving of scales was to become one of the major challenges of my later work. It is also important to note that ‘scale’ refers as much to time – to history – as it does to space. I have come to refer to my own approach in anthropology as historical realism (Smith 2014 ). If we are to speak of social

in The anthropology of power, agency, and morality
Acupuncture and the techno-politics of bodyscape
Wen-Hua Kuo

(Harley, 1988 ; Knorr-Cetina and Amann, 1990 ) and as objects that invoke the users’ attention in their everyday practices (Vertesi, 2008 ). In particular, concerning the problem of representation in science, Sergio Sismondo and Nicholas Chrisman's analysis on realism (2001) provides us with necessary guidance. Using a map as both a metaphor and a means of interpretation, they established a metaphysical frame for approaching reality based on deflationary philosophy, arguing that scientific representations are maps embedded in a particular kind of practice and for a

in Global health and the new world order
Notes on developing a photo-ethnographic practice in Basilicata
Lorenzo Ferrarini

and brown peoples as subject (Ruby 1996 ). It makes more sense, then, to consider what constitutes photographing as an anthropologist rather than an anthropological photograph. A focus on the approach also has the benefit of avoiding scholasticism and keeping open a multitude of genres and styles that each situation and research question might call for, including those outside of realism and even outside documentary photography. Patrick Sutherland expresses himself along similar lines when considering the key aspect of photo-ethnography to be the

in Sonic ethnography
Yehonatan Alsheh

York: Berghahn Books, 2008), pp. 162–80. Ibid., p. 164. Foucault, Society Must Be Defended, p. 259. C. Gerlach, Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth Century World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 17–122. Q. Meillassoux, After Finitude: An Essay on the Necessity of Contingency (London: Continuum, 2008 – original French edition 2006); for discussion of Meillassoux see L. Bryant, N. Srnicek & G. Harman (eds), The Speculative Turn: Continental Materialism and Realism (Melbourne: Re-Press, 2011); G. Harman, Quentin Meillassoux

in Human remains and mass violence
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Christian Suhr

spirit possession cult. Perhaps Umm Omar was also, like Henley, asserting the value of cinematic realism and photographic documentation as sometimes being a more powerful standpoint for resistance to oppression than the fragmented and fragmentary techniques of montage. Ethnographic filmmaking and montage is an almost impossible yet necessary balancing act that occurs along this stretch between the visible and the invisible, the expressible and inexpressible; between witnessing those things that should be seen, disrupting the ways in which we have been taught to see

in Descending with angels
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Liene Ozoliņa

striving does not result in ‘robust counterpublics’? And what if it does not at all aim at forming such counterpublics? Striving can, instead, be considered as an ethical issue. As Joel Robbins writes in a seminal article on the anthropology of the good, As with the construction of the good, there is a strong temptation to dismiss people’s investments in realising the good in time as mere utopianism, to smother their hopes analytically with what Clifford has recently called our own ‘wet-blanket “realism”’ (2009: 241). But if part of the point of the anthropology of the

in Politics of waiting
Christian Suhr

's methods of montage are helpful for developing an understanding of the shock effects of these YouTube videos, we need to look elsewhere to understand what happens in the vacuum of visibility that emerges beyond shock. In visual anthropology, many filmmakers emphasise the virtues of careful observation. Here the image is often appreciated for its mimetic, indexical realism, and for the way it shows us an abundance of visual details that are often otherwise left unnoticed. Yet several filmmakers and scholars have criticised this realist approach

in Descending with angels
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Nostalgia and al-zaman al-gamiil (the ‘beautiful old times’)
Mona Abaza

‘progressive’), together with numerous images of industrial and construction sites. The video clip advertises a modern Egypt that is in a state of constant movement.13 It is as if the regime has borrowed the exact icons, language, and symbols of the Soviet socialist realism era, but by this time, after the lapse of a century, the theme lends itself heavily to kitsch. In short, the remarkable absence of irony in this footage is profoundly disturbing. This brings me to my next point, namely, how the state propaganda has recently invested in video clips for purposes of self

in Cairo collages
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Al-‘imaara (the building) as topos
Mona Abaza

borrowing symbols of socialist realism that contradict the obvious state of the globalised region. Meanwhile, the Islamist camp seems to be fixated on a golden period of the early years of Islam. The complex ideology of the counter-revolutionary camp encompasses both of these doppelgängers, as the two share the elective affinity towards authoritarianism. Both camps have worked hard against the forces of civil society, which advocates the reinstating of human rights, workers’ rights, social justice, and a renewed sense of citizenship. Ironically, the two forces are

in Cairo collages