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Professional politicians and regional institutions in Catalonia and Scotland
Series: Devolution
Author: Klaus Stolz

Focusing on professional politicians, this book investigates the interrelationship between political career patterns and political institutions in two of the most widely discussed cases of regionalism: Catalonia and Scotland. It deals with two different yet closely related sets of questions. Firstly, how do professional politicians pursue their careers in the regional context? And secondly, how do they shape and reshape the political institutions in which they pursue these careers? The book is based on extensive empirical research including a comprehensive data set on the careers of Catalan and Scottish parliamentarians, systematic surveys of regional representatives as well as in-depth interviews with a wide range of politicians and experts in both regions. Exploring the effects of political professionalisation on regional democracy, it goes beyond traditional studies of regionalism and decentralization, while its focus on the regional career arena introduces a territorial dimension to the study of political careers.

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Niilo Kauppi

discourse that concentrates on a unified, republican France: a more democratic Europe where non-Christians, the unemployed, women and regional representatives would also have a public voice. In the Finnish elections, institutional and symbolic structuration led to the social construction of a specific type of non-political European representative that stands in contrast to the traditional political representative. The elected diplomat is chosen more on the basis of her or his personal cultural resources than of the traditional collective political resources she or he

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Niilo Kauppi

criteria should parties use to select their candidates for European Parliament elections? Should the candidates be 'Europeans', experts, regional representatives or solely the representatives of political parties? Elections to the European Parliament exhibit at least two general characteristics. First, in all European Union countries, the post of MEP is less valued than other elected national representatives or deputies. In France, MEPs do not have the educational characteristics that correlate with positions of national political power (see Chapter 5). As the European

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Niilo Kauppi

for ascending trajectories (e.g. leaving for a senior ministerial position), 45 per cent for stable trajectories, and 35 per cent for descending trajectories. The high percentages of stable trajectories in both cases might indicate that entry to these levels takes place mostly in other, close positions (such as that of deputy, regional representative, or member of ministerial cabinet) and that it is difficult to capitalise on the kind of political resources available in European institutions. The high per centage of descending trajectories for Commissioners can be

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
John Shepherd

Department of Energy’s regional representatives. Operation Drumstick also required the requisitioning of around 4,000 tankers from the different oil companies, as well as the assist­ ance of the supervisory and management staff. In addition, the possibility of industrial sabotage to vehicles arose, if their drivers suspected the deployment of troops in a strike-breaking capacity.27 There would be extremely difficult logistics of timing in implementing Operation Drumstick. Troops would have to be brought back from different parts of Britain and West Germany. Having some 9

in Crisis? What crisis?
Niilo Kauppi

on a unified, republican France. A Europe was imagined where non-Christians, the unemployed, women and regional representatives would also have a public voice. In these ways, the elections contributed to a qualitative transformation of French politics. The European Parliament elections provided French intellectuals with an opportunity to wield power and reaffirm their role in the French and international public debate. As Pierre Bourdieu's case demonstrates, intellectuals play an important role in French politics: the politics of the street has always been an

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

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A new Scotland in a changing Europe
Paolo Dardanelli

acknowledges that efforts should be made to associate the Scottish institutions with the central government where matters affecting Scotland are concerned and Scottish ministers do have the right to represent the UK in the Council in those circumstances. 4 However, this matters more on a symbolic level than on a practical one. As is the case for the similar arrangements in place in Belgium and Germany, regional ministers represent their state in the Council not their region/s. This is not usually a significant limitation for regional representatives of largely symmetrical

in Between two Unions
A case study of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup
Suzanne Dowse

points notwithstanding, both policy officers and regional representatives based in South Africa perceived the African emphasis as supportive of regional relations because it was a highly visible demonstration of commitment to regional policy pledges, offered relation-building opportunities and broadened the range of competencies associated with the country’s political elite. However, these observations were once again positioned as part of a wider process of regional r­ elation-building activity from which the event could not be isolated. This reinforces the broader

in Sport and diplomacy
Centre- left parties on the ground and the EU
Isabelle Hertner

Labour MEPs are elected to sit on the NPF, where they can exert some influence. One survey respondent thus states: All policy, including European is formulated by the Labour Party’s National Policy Forum (NPF). All members are encouraged to participate in this process, by submitting proposals and amendments, as well as vote for representatives to sit on the Forum. The regional representatives take forward proposals from members in the [name of Euro-​constituency] to the NPF. Still, some Labour MEPs tried to involve their constituency in EU debates. For instance, the

in Centre-left parties and the European Union