This book engages with the spectacular disenchantment with Catholicism in Ireland over the relatively short period of four decades. It begins with the visit of Pope John Paul II in 1979 and in particular his address to young people in Galway, where the crowd had been entertained beforehand by two of Ireland’s most celebrated clerics, Bishop Eamon Casey and Fr Michael Cleary, both of whom were engaged at the time in romantic affairs that resulted in the birth of children. It will be argued that the Pope’s visit was prompted by concern at the significant fall in vocations to priesthood and the religious life and the increasing secularism of Irish society. The book then explores the various referenda that took place during the 1980s on divorce and abortion which, although they resulted in victories for the Church, demonstrated that their hold on the Irish public was weakening. The clerical abuse scandals of the 1990s were the tipping point for an Irish public which was generally resentful of the intrusive and repressive form of Catholicism that had been the norm in Ireland since the formation of the State in the 1920s. Boasting an impressive array of contributors from various backgrounds and expertise, the essays in the book attempt to delineate the exact reasons for the progressive dismantling of the cultural legacy of Catholicism and the consequences this has had on Irish society. Among the contributors are Patricia Casey, Joe Cleary, Michael Cronin, Louise Fuller, Patsy McGarry, Vincent Twomey and Eamonn Wall.
Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
Redemptorist junior seminary.
This did not leave him much of a career option, especially as he was the youngest of four, all of whom initially went on for religiouslife. Just like his two older
brothers, he was eventually to join the senior seminary with a view to becoming a Redemptorist. In his first book, published in 1997, The Death of ReligiousLife, he retrospectively wonders that nobody, including his parents, ‘seemed to see
anything unusual in three brothers from a sheltered background joining the order
Going against the tide
and wanting to become
public conduct where persuasion or
coercion can be effective, including that exerted by the modern
state. During Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia, the state was strong
but decided to minimize its interventions in Muslim religiouslife,
so that Muslim civil society strengthened – as manifested
especially in the emergence of the ‘modernist’
Muhammadiyah, which celebrated its
Being Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland and Canada
S. Karly Kehoe
preoccupations informed the local experience.
During the nineteenth century, French women entered the religiouslife in
greater numbers than any other group, but the Irish were not far behind.
Approximately 8,000 women entered Irish convents between 1800 and 1900
and by 1901 sisters and nuns represented 70 per cent of the nation’s religious
workforce.2 This flood of women to the religiouslife extended throughout the
diaspora and was a phenomenon that marked the Irish as committed Catholics
who stood at the forefront of the Church’s developing social welfare agenda. The
design in such a way as to allow for human control over them through ritual and symbolic means. In the Underworld tradition, the no-nonsense elevation in rank of Tua Di Ya Pek on temple altars, and when channelled through their tang-ki , adheres to this imperative. Spirit possession by Hell’s enforcers may therefore be seen as illustrative of the capacity of human ingenuity to incorporate eschatological convictions centred on post-mortal punishments into the religiouslife-worlds of practitioners as a means of positively influencing the occurrences and episodes that
’État de droit,
new immigrants are generating alternate structures of meaning, new forms of
self-styling and affective and emotional engagements with the world, a powerful,
everyday l’État de religion.
Ethnographic research and writing elicits images, voices, spaces and moments.
Here we have elicited numerous voices, together with the voices and stories of key
research participants, to show the importance of the everyday to understanding
moments in the taxi industry, in political and civic integration, in religiouslife
and in the lives of young African-Irish people. But
upheavals that were taking place: ‘Today, the human race is passing through a new
stage of its history. Profound and rapid changes are spreading by degrees around
the whole world …. Hence we can … speak of a true social and cultural transformation, one which has repercussions on man’s religiouslife as well’ (Abbott 1966:
202). Essentially, the council documents provided the Church with a rationale and
a blueprint for change. While the substance of the ancient doctrine of the deposit
of faith could not change, the way in which it was presented could
exploratory and open to further amplification by successive generations. Durkheim
and Mauss worked at the interstices of concepts of civilisations as, first, spatial wholes and, second, as constituted in interaction. The imprecise, compact
and ambiguous nature of their perspective puts them on the cusp of the two
approaches I have posited here. Their early sketches of the characteristics of civilisations coincided with Durkheim’s survey of ethnographies of non-stratified
cultures in The Elementary Forms of the ReligiousLife. They brought recognition of
the complexity of
classical sociology while he was still in his thirties: The Division of Labour in Society (1893), The Rules of Sociological Method (1895) and Suicide (1897). One of his late works, The Elementary Forms of the ReligiousLife (1912), also counts among the classics of the discipline. The Division of Labour in Society is a book of two arguments that can be seen as contradicting or else complementing each other. Throughout by far the longest sections of the book he turns the then widely shared idea – reflected for example in Tönnies’ writings – that traditional