exploratory and open to further amplification by successive generations. Durkheim
and Mauss worked at the interstices of concepts of civilisations as, first, spatial wholes and, second, as constituted in interaction. The imprecise, compact
and ambiguous nature of their perspective puts them on the cusp of the two
approaches I have posited here. Their early sketches of the characteristics of civilisations coincided with Durkheim’s survey of ethnographies of non-stratified
cultures in The Elementary Forms of the ReligiousLife. They brought recognition of
the complexity of
involved but does highlight the effect of the issue at hand for people and groups. When it mentions how people are affected it describes mostly how the non-Muslim population is affected. As the conflict frame shows it is mostly Muslims who are the protagonists of that (usually violent) conflict, it follows that when the effects are discussed it is usually how the situation of “terrorism” affects the “terrorised.” When it comes to Muslim religiouslife, the term mosque was mentioned in 15% of the stories, Allah in 7% and Qur’an 3%. This suggests that media present a
the first to indicate the social importance of what I have been referring to as apophasis. Indeed, such logical negation, I argue below, returns us to the very origins of the anthropology and sociology of religion – to Hertz’s 1909 account of right-handedness and religious polarity, and, by 1912, to Durkheim’s account of the ‘negative cult’ in The Elementary Forms of the ReligiousLife . As such ‘the sacred thing is par excellence that which the profane should not touch’ ( Durkheim 1915 : 40. Emphasis added). My point here is not to rehearse old debates about
, claiming that they make people or families belonging to a certain class or group feel more welcome than others.
Other scholars maintain that institutional differentiation, particularly the role of authority and leadership, is a critical determinant for the practice of, evaluation of, and involvement in religiouslife.
Another perspective for understanding this variation in values draws on the work of Bourdieu and the concept of cultural capital
Race relations, multiculturalism and integration, 1976 to the late 1990s
number and scope, and reflected an increased awareness of Muslim religiouslife and practices.
The local immigration context
Wiltshire’s experience of immigration continued to develop differently and at a much slower pace than what was the case in many areas across Britain during this period. By the time of the 1981 Census, the county was home to 5,616 people who had been born in New Commonwealth countries, including in India (1,228), Pakistan (210), Bangladesh (55), and Caribbean (727) and East African (558) countries. 14 In Swindon District Unitary Authority
in Scottish religiouslife, was again reinforced’ (ibid.: 136).
Perfectly capturing how negatively Orangeism was perceived by late nineteenth and early twentieth century Scottish bourgeois society, McFarland quotes an editorial in the Glasgow News from 1878, which described the Order and its membership as follows:
They disgrace society and originate evils of a particularly far reaching kind. They pander to ignorance and intolerance and excite political animosity and sectarian hate. They are at best a mischievous anachronism alike degrading and disgraceful