-American bilateral summit meetings between presidents and prime ministers, informal ambassadorship by the royalfamily, and the forthcoming 400th anniversary of the Mayflower voyage in 2020. The objective is to complement traditional readings of pageantry by treating it also as an act of cultural sharing. Thereby, and consonant with Iriye’s classic definition of culture, elites send messages to Anglo-American – and other – audiences by manipulating cultural artifacts, evoking emotions, appealing to particular symbols and lifestyles, sharing selected aspects of collective memory
traditional sectarian, tribal and family assabiya to create cores of trusted followers around the leader similar to royalfamilies in the monarchies.
(3) In their search for legitimisation, state elites made use of sub- and supra-state identities to make up for thin popular identifications with the state itself. In the monarchies patriarchal loyalties and Islam were the favoured formula; in the republics Pan-Arabism, the official ideology, was buttressed by the exploitation of sub-state loyalties, whether it was Tikriti solidarity in Iraq or that of
that reshaped Anglo-American relations between the Great Rapprochement and the First World War? Did Anglo-American collective memory influence the decisions to use military force in Kosovo and Iraq? Did trends in British pop music help alter American society in the 1960s? What do school textbooks reveal about the cultural underpinnings of the special relationship? What have television dramas and the film industry to do with the history of US–UK relations? How have the royalfamily, memorials to George Washington, and the doctrine of liberalism contributed to Anglo
, foreign policy decisions are taken consensually by the King and senior princes of the royalfamily, producing caution and continuity in policy, deeply reflective of Saudi Arabia’s character as a status quo power. The muted competition which exists within the royalfamily also encourages a risk-averse attempt to appease – ‘bandwagon’ between – conflicting pressures from the West and the Arab world. Thus, the preferences of the ‘Suderi Seven’ – notably King Fahd, Defence Minster Prince Sultan and Interior Minister Prince Nayef – for a Western alliance and Western
of these inspired young men coalesced around Osama bin Laden.
Bin Laden became angered when the Saudi royalfamily chose the United
States and its allies to protect the Kingdom from the threat of an Iraqi invasion after the latter’s seizure of neighboring Kuwait in the summer of 1990.49
The result of operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm was the liberation of
Kuwait from Saddam Hussein’s grasp and the elimination of the Iraqi threat
to the Saudis.
The following year, under pressure from the Kingdom, bin Laden and his
followers departed for the Sudan
through a cultural lens somewhat distorted by assumptions and caricatures of Britishness common in the United States at the time. Foremost among these was the idea of British respectability – an image no doubt enhanced by the presence of Alec Douglas-Home in 10 Downing Street in early 1964, a man his predecessor Harold Macmillan referred to as ‘the old governing class at its best.’ 94 When viewed as part of a broader caricature of Britishness based on the royalfamily and afternoon tea, it was inconceivable for many American commentators to view the Beatles as a threat
or are Gulf-based, oil-linked or banking firms. Rent and indirect taxation such as import duties relieve most states of dependency on the bourgeoisie for tax revenues, which might give the latter the leverage to demand a share of power, and business is often quite dependent on the state (for contracts, licenses, etc.). Business lacks the institutionalised access and clout it enjoys in developed capitalist states: in the authoritarian republics, the military and bureaucracy and in the monarchies, royalfamilies dominate foreign policy making. In more liberal states
UK would host an African Investment Summit in 2019 and that the UK seeks to become the largest G7 investor in Africa by 2022.
Senior members of the British RoyalFamily also increased their footfall in Africa in 2018, with the Prince of Wales and Duchess of Cornwall visiting Gambia, Ghana and Nigeria; the Duke of Cambridge going to Tanzania, Kenya and Namibia, and the Duke of Sussex to Zambia.
Overall though, despite these high-profile engagements, core political interest in Africa has actually declined. The party
The Conservative Party and Africa from opposition to government
phones belonging to celebrities, members of the royalfamily and teenage murder victim Milly Dowler, Cameron’s absence was attacked by both Conservative and opposition politicians. Journalists later reflected that Cameron seemed to have a gift for being out of the country – specifically in Africa – at just the wrong moment, referencing his 2007 trip to Rwanda as a case in point (Ashcroft and Oakeshott, 2015 ; Watt, 2011 ). Nevertheless, though the 2011 tour was cut from four days to two, with visits to Rwanda and newly independent South Sudan dropped from the agenda
example, Douglas Chalmers, 1977 . Although Chalmers
was discussing Latin America, his idea of the politicized state can
also be applied to the Middle East, where royalfamilies or other
groups tied together for various reasons have seized control of the
state and held on to power with no intention of giving it up