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This book explores contemporary urban experiences connected to practices of sharing and collaboration. Part of a growing discussion on the cultural meaning and the politics of urban commons, it uses examples from Europe and Latin America to support the view that a world of mutual support and urban solidarity is emerging today in, against, and beyond existing societies of inequality. In such a world, people experience the potentialities of emancipation activated by concrete forms of space commoning. By focusing on concrete collective experiences of urban space appropriation and participatory design experiments this book traces differing, but potentially compatible, trajectories through which common space (or space-as-commons) becomes an important factor in social change. In the everydayness of self-organized neighborhoods, in the struggles for justice in occupied public spaces, in the emergence of “territories in resistance,” and in dissident artistic practices of collaborative creation, collective inventiveness produces fragments of an emancipated society.

Going beyond a communicative approach 
Ihnji Jon

–56 . Bernstein , R.J. ( 2010 ) The pragmatic turn . Cambridge : Polity Press . Boelens , L. ( 2010 ) Theorizing practice and practising theory: Outlines for an actor relational approach in planning. Planning Theory , 9 , 1 , 28–62 . Bond , S. ( 2011 ) Negotiating a ‘democratic ethos’ moving beyond the agonistic– communicative divide. Planning Theory , 10 , 2 , 161–86 . Boonstra , B. and Boelens , L. ( 2011 ) Self-organization in urban development: Towards a new perspective on spatial planning. Urban Research and Practice , 4 , 2 , 99

in The power of pragmatism
Stavros Stavrides

communal space? Formally, all Bon Pastor is “public.” Its lands and the houses built upon them legally belong to the City Council, their construction was financed with public money, and the residents only pay the rent. But in practice, the neighborhood had been neglected by the public authorities who were in charge, and the neighbors were forced to take care of the space, both public and private. This self-organization was mostly illegal, since formally it was the City Council who had to refurbish and maintain the houses; since it didn’t, the residents felt legitimated

in Common spaces of urban emancipation