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emanations, or merely kept in motion by the stars, the living world and all its
diversity was the result. Thus Thomas Harriot, a mathematician instrumental to the earliest Virginian ventures, and likely consulted by Captain John
Smith, was denounced as an atheist for his atomistic conception of nature.14
Or, two generations later, Richard Bentley, a Cambridge classicist, could complain bitterly to Edward Bernard, one
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10 T. Claydon, ‘The Sermon, the “Public Sphere” and the Political Culture of Late
Seventeenth-Century England’, in P. McCullough and L. Ferrell (eds), The
English Sermon Revisited: Religion, Literature and History, 1600–1750 (Manchester,
2000), pp. 208–34; R. Dixon, ‘Sermons in Print, 1660–1700’, in P. McCullough,
H. Adlington and E. Rhatigan (eds), Oxford Handbook of the Early Modern Sermon
(Oxford, 2011), pp. 460–79; J. Caudle, ‘Measures of
. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (Cambridge, MA, 1978), pp. 88–90.
3 A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999); J. Sheehan
and D. Wahrman, Invisible Hands: Self-Organization and the Eighteenth Century
(Chicago, 2015), pp. 11–46.
4 J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650–
1750 (Oxford, 2001), pp. 218–29; J. Wigelsworth, ‘“God always acts suitable to
his character, as a wise and good being”: Thomas Chubb and Thomas Morgan
on Miracles and Providence’, in W. Hudson, D. Lucci and J. Wigelsworth (eds),
, fol. 184).
N. Sykes, ‘Archbishop Wake and the Whig Party, 1716–1723: A Study in
Incompatibility of Temperament’, Cambridge Historical Journal 8 (1945), 97.
S. Taylor, ‘“Dr. Codex” and the Whig “Pope”: Edmund Gibson, Bishop of
Lincoln and London, 1716–1748’, in R. Davis (ed.), Lords of Parliament: Studies,
1714–1914 (Stanford, 1995), 9–27.
J. Sheehan and D. Wahrman, Invisible Hands: Self-organization and the
Eighteenth Century (Chicago, 2015), 99–123; J. Champion, ‘“Anglia Libera”:
Commonwealth Politics in the Early Years of George I’, in D. Womersley (ed