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Volker M. Heins

and dimensions of mutual recognition can be demonstrated by exploring the case of the civil rights and black liberation movement in the United States after the Second World War. The two figures of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X epitomize two different strategies of connecting experiences of disenfranchisement, feelings of shame, and collective protest and self-organization

in Recognition and Global Politics
Michael Loadenthal

defeat, but it also creates clear lines of demarcation between those in revolt and those not. This military-minded perspective is explored in At Daggers Drawn …, wherein the authors write: The more extensive and enthusiastic the rebellion, the less it can be measured in the military clash. As the armed self-organization of the exploited extends, revealing the fragility of the social order, one sees that revolt, just like hierarchical and mercantile relations, is everywhere. On the contrary, anyone who sees the revolution as a coup d’état has a militaristic view of the

in The politics of attack
Open Access (free)
John Narayan

those directly engaged in such associative behaviour. The regulation of such consequences cannot be conducted by the primary groupings involved in the respective associative behaviour in the first place (although self-organization by a group to regulate its activities is also an important phenomenon). Consequently, in organizing themselves to deal with such indirect consequences, such a public creates special agencies and appoints officials such as legislators, judges and executives (which might include members of a public acting as citizens) to regulate behaviour and

in John Dewey
Jonathan Darling

competing, forms of government and self-government. Thus, urbanism implies proximate diversity, complicated patterns of government and self-government, a multiplicity of authorities in different registers, the infinite deferral of sovereignty, self-organization and an emergent order that, though chaotic, is by no means anarchic. (Magnusson, 2011 : 11) It is in these facets of urbanism that Magnusson advocates a politics that maintains the

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Abstract only
Katherine Fierlbeck

difference’. The politics of ‘group assertion’ allows such groups to ‘discover and reinforce the positivity of their specific experience’ (Young 1990 : 166, 167), and requires institutional mechanisms that include the self-organization of group members, group analysis and generation of the public policy proposals and, most controversially, group veto power on policies that directly affect a group (1990: 184

in Globalizing democracy
Kimberly Hutchings

possibilities attached to such a world. (Connolly, 2002: 144) In extrapolating on his idea of this time as becoming, Connolly explains that ‘rifts in time’ are to do with contingent encounters ‘between complex systems with some capacity for self-organization and unexpected events not smoothly assimilable by them’ (2002: 145). This clearly recalls the Deleuzean view of the cross cutting times of chronos and aion. In Pluralism (2005), Connolly further unpacks the meaning of time as becoming as the interaction between immanent chronologies (2005: 103). This leads him to

in Time and world politics
Abstract only
9/11 as architectural catastrophe and the hypermodernity of Terror
Julian Reid

, based on an adaptation of ideas from cyberneticists Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela’s (1980) theory of autopoiesis. Lars Spuybroek (2002) derives ideas from the biophilosophical discourse of complexity to reconceive the ‘soft city’. Arjen Mulder (2002) argues that is necessary to remodel the city in the ‘self-organizational’ terms of neo-Darwinian theories of evolution, which Virilio himself had explicitly polemicised against in his tracts of the 1960s. In turn, we have to ask whether this cybernetic discourse, with its emphasis upon movement, instability, and

in The biopolitics of the war on terror
Michael Loadenthal

methods of attack are thought to raise a revolutionary consciousness, their effectiveness disincentives the masses and those targeted are easily replaced. The anarchist prophets of the “propaganda of the deed” can argue all they want about the elevating and stimulating influence of terrorist acts on the masses. Theoretical considerations and political experience prove otherwise. The more “effective” the terrorist acts, the greater their impact, the more they reduce the interest of the masses in self-organization and self-education. But the smoke from the confusion

in The politics of attack
The constitutive terrain of anarchist eugenics
Richard Cleminson

society, Darwin’s studies, it was argued conclusively in the Revista Social, had a clear social application too. In the mind of this writer, Darwin’s work provided nothing less than ‘un excelente argumento para probar que la mejor organizacion de una sociedad animal es la organizacion colectiva anarquista’ (an excellent argument that proves that the best form of organization of animal society is anarchist collectivist organization).127 This rotund affirmation was made on the basis of the self-organization of evolutionary adaptation and ‘social’ change that both

in Anarchism and eugenics