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Michael Loadenthal

defeat, but it also creates clear lines of demarcation between those in revolt and those not. This military-minded perspective is explored in At Daggers Drawn …, wherein the authors write: The more extensive and enthusiastic the rebellion, the less it can be measured in the military clash. As the armed self-organization of the exploited extends, revealing the fragility of the social order, one sees that revolt, just like hierarchical and mercantile relations, is everywhere. On the contrary, anyone who sees the revolution as a coup d’état has a militaristic view of the

in The politics of attack
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Katherine Fierlbeck

difference’. The politics of ‘group assertion’ allows such groups to ‘discover and reinforce the positivity of their specific experience’ (Young 1990 : 166, 167), and requires institutional mechanisms that include the self-organization of group members, group analysis and generation of the public policy proposals and, most controversially, group veto power on policies that directly affect a group (1990: 184

in Globalizing democracy
Michael Loadenthal

methods of attack are thought to raise a revolutionary consciousness, their effectiveness disincentives the masses and those targeted are easily replaced. The anarchist prophets of the “propaganda of the deed” can argue all they want about the elevating and stimulating influence of terrorist acts on the masses. Theoretical considerations and political experience prove otherwise. The more “effective” the terrorist acts, the greater their impact, the more they reduce the interest of the masses in self-organization and self-education. But the smoke from the confusion

in The politics of attack