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). Poor-quality housing where residence is insecure, overcrowded and/or in makeshift dwellings can make women vulnerable to burglary, theft and multiple forms of sexual violence (Chant, 2013 ), together with lack of street lighting and restricted access to safe and affordable transport (McIlwaine, 2016 ). In turn, in slum communities where sanitary facilities are located far from people’s homes it has emerged that women experience heightened levels of GBV, especially at night (Bapat and Agarwal, 2003 ). Urban public spaces can be sites of risk for women linked not
example, crime/criminals, cholera, overcrowding, bedbugs, monster rats, fetid and toxic sewage, and sexual violence) are naturalised in this environment through processes that legitimate both Mathare’s hypervisibility and invisibility, while concomitantly seeking to de-naturalise them. With ecology of exclusion, I would like to register the following: that sites of ‘bad natures
significantly more likely to report low levels of outdoor recreation. Gendered constraints to outdoor recreation can relate to time, feelings of entitlement to leisure vs caring responsibilities, resources and fears of sexual violence (Ghimire et al., 2014 ; Henderson & Gibson, 2013 ). No such racial or gender disparities were observed in accessible rural areas. These findings point to
‘living like slaves’, 13 subject to abuse, exploitation, and physical and sexual violence inflicted by owners and managers upon workers. Not long ago, I led a project investigating this growing trade in South Asia, in which we spoke to dozens of workers in Bangladesh and India about their experiences of work in these kilns. One worker described his experience working in the brick industry as follows: ‘I feel weak due to the heat from the fire. My head gets hot. My skin has deteriorated as well. I feel terrible breathing