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Gervase Rosser

reputation which was the vital basis of trust, and in turn of all life in the city. Whether relatively rich or poor, every townsman and woman was in need of the trust which depended upon a good reputation. If damaged, it had to be defended at all costs [ 45 ]. Late medieval observers often declared that they were looking at significant social change in the form of inferior artisans and their wives who affected

in Towns in medieval England
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Gervase Rosser

property-owning burgess for a year and a day would enjoy in perpetuity the rights of citizenship. The number of rural tenants able to escape service to their lords and to accumulate sufficient means to pay for a burgage in town can never have been large. Yet the principle expresses a contemporary perception of the town as a potential agent of social change. This perception also underlies the declaration – the

in Towns in medieval England
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Gervase Rosser

, 154; C. Dyer, Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c.1200–1520 , revised edn, Cambridge, 1998. For the appearance and proliferation from the late fourteenth century of one craft of importance in this connection, that of the pewterers (mainly citing evidence from York), see H. Swanson, Medieval Artisans , Oxford, 1989 , pp

in Towns in medieval England
Rosemary Horrox

reading, merely an intensifying or complicating factor in the situation. In other words, and to use the modern jargon, economic and social change in the fourteenth century was endogamous (it came from flaws or tensions within the system) rather than exogamous (caused by outside factors). Not all the historians who share this perception have agreed on the nature of that fatal flaw

in The Black Death
Mark Bailey

The abundant records of manor courts represent the single most important source for the study of English local society in the Middle Ages, and offer unique and highly detailed information relating to a wide range of subjects. This chapter aims to provide a general introduction to the manorial court, its format, procedures and business, and its usefulness to the historian, and to consider changes to its business in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Like the records of the manor court, those of the leet simply recorded its decisions rather than the background to each case or detailed evidence. Physical punishments were exceptional in manor courts, but were not unknown in leet courts. The decline of the frankpledge system, and by extension the declining powers of the leet court, is mirrored by a fall in the business conducted in manor courts during the fifteenth century.

in The English manor c.1200–c.1500
Abstract only
Anthony Musson and Edward Powell

later Middle Ages’, in Law and Social Change in British History , ed. J. A. Guy and H. G. Beale (London, Royal Historical Society, 1984), pp. 34–55. 13 W. M. Ormrod, The Reign of Edward III (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1990), pp. 55–6; Rawcliffe, ‘Great lord as peacekeeper’, p. 52

in Crime, Law and Society in the Later Middle Ages
Anthony Musson and Edward Powell

Court (Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1926), pp. 114–15; C. Whittick, ‘Role of the criminal appeal in the fifteenth century’, in Law and Social Change , ed. J. A. Guy (London, Royal Historical Society, 1984), pp. 63–5, 68–72. 2 SCCKB , vol. 3, pp. lxxii

in Crime, Law and Society in the Later Middle Ages