Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 248 items for :

  • "state policies" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Sean R. Roberts

practised religion independent of state-approved institutions as well as those perceived as disloyal to the state, and it continued to incentivise Uyghur assimilation into Han-centric society through educational and work programmes. In public discourse, the label of ‘separatist’ was replaced with that of ‘terrorist’ and there was increased scrutiny of Uyghurs who appeared particularly pious, but these were merely subtle changes to the state ‘anti-separatism’ campaigns during the 1990s. The major shift in state policy in the early

in The rise of global Islamophobia in the War on Terror
Abstract only
There’s more than one show in town
Andrew Bowman
Ismail Ertürk
Julie Froud
Sukhdev Johal
, and
John Law

the foundational. Then we suggest that the post-­1979 policy experiment is now using ‘bolt-­ ons’, like industrial policy, to ensure that state policy answers exigencies without addressing fundamentals. But if we follow Braudel to think about the foundational economy and the character of state-­sustained corporate monopolies it is possible to reframe policy and imagine new kinds of intervention. No doubt there are many possibilities, but we have a specific proposal. We argue that foundational firms or sectors drawing on household expenditure or tax revenue within a

in The end of the experiment?
Georg Elwert

become realms of predictability. Under them, long-term investments in intellectual formation and the means of production also make sense for persons far from the centres of power. The lack of a monopoly of violence produces (under competitive conditions) spaces open to violence – violence fields. In these violence fields, people invest individually in the social and physical conditions of security in much higher proportions. Development, growth or productive innovation are not their preoccupations. The general practice of state policy towards violence fields organised by

in Potentials of disorder
Gerasimos Gerasimos

This chapter provides a broad introduction to the politics of migration in the Middle East, from the colonial era to the present day, paying particular attention to the importance of state policies. There are, roughly, four time periods in the evolution of the Middle East migration system that should be discussed: the colonial period, encompassing the era of the Ottoman Empire and the colonial Mandate period that ended, roughly, in the years following the end of World War Two. This is a period characterised by a rather free circulation of

in Migration diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa
Bryan Fanning
Lucy Michael

contexts and practices that pre-dated the large immigration to both Irelands since the turn of the century. Comparative institutional responses to racism Legislation and state policies aimed at addressing racism have evolved differently in the two Irelands. In the Republic both grew out of anti-racist activism concerned since the 1980s with anti-Traveller prejudice and, as immigration rose, out of non-governmental organisation (NGO) pressure upon the Irish state to address its responsibilities under the UN Convention

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Abstract only
Foreign policy as public policy
Klaus Brummer
Sebastian Harnisch
Kai Oppermann
, and
Diana Panke

between different sub-disciplines of political science in order to get a better understanding of the processes and outcomes of foreign policy decision-making by individual states. The promise of cross-disciplinary policy research The main contention of the book is that FPA has much to benefit from more systematically taking on board scholarship in PP. This allows it to broaden the conceptual toolbox for the analysis of state policies toward external events and topics, and to capture the real-world shifts and

in Foreign policy as public policy?
Abstract only
Jonathan Pattenden

fieldwork data collected over more than a decade on the three areas of labour relations, state policy and LGIs, and civil society. By doing so, it draws out the uneven dynamics of class relations at different levels and in different social settings, and sheds some light on the impediments to, as well as possibilities for, pro-labouring-class change. Fieldwork locations and methods Karnataka is the least researched of India’s southern states. Research for this book began in Dharwad district in 2002 in the village of Panchnagaram.18 It expanded outwards first to the

in Labour, state and society in rural India

stories that implicitly criticized state policy or expressed Uyghur aspirations for self-determination.5 While all of these efforts were similar to the crackdowns in the region during the 1990s, their new framing as ‘counterterrorism,’ an internationally recognized justification for the suspension of human rights, facilitated a more aggressive approach towards controlling the ways that Uyghurs behaved and thought. This was a trend that would continue with increased intensity in the years that followed, especially in the southern Tarim Basin, which accounted for about 82

in The war on the Uyghurs
Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
Maéva Clément
Anna Geis
, and
Hanna Pfeifer

can be incorporated into state policy. In unsuccessful cases, armed non-state actors might escalate their violent struggle, which often results in governments being perceived as weak. With regard to international humanitarian law and humanitarian issues in general, any kind of engagement with ANSAs is often difficult to avoid, leading to similar concerns of (in-)directly recognising or legitimating armed groups through engagement (Barbelet 2008 ; Herr 2015 ; Jo and Thomson 2014 ; MacLeod et al. 2016 ). When dealing with armed non-state actors

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Abstract only
Elizaveta Gaufman

Fancy a Putin-themed T-shirt or pair of knickers? This chapter is devoted to the phenomenon of Putin branding that has emerged both off- and online. President Putin’s likeness has become a veritable brand that serves to project alignment with the Kremlin’s foreign policy. The domestic market has embraced this campaign: stores featuring “patriotic collections” selling T-shirts with Putin became ubiquitous. The visage of President Putin has become a symbol of the rebirth of the great power identity. Virility, hyper-masculinity, and emasculation of others are among several aspects consistent with a patriarchal and sexualized perspective on international politics. Putin branding has, however, dangerous consequences given that disagreement with state policy is interpreted as a sign of disloyalty to the man who came to embody the nation.

in Everyday foreign policy