practised religion independent of state-approved institutions as well as those perceived as disloyal to the state, and it continued to incentivise Uyghur assimilation into Han-centric society through educational and work programmes. In public discourse, the label of ‘separatist’ was replaced with that of ‘terrorist’ and there was increased scrutiny of Uyghurs who appeared particularly pious, but these were merely subtle changes to the state ‘anti-separatism’ campaigns during the 1990s.
The major shift in statepolicy in the early
the foundational. Then we
suggest that the post-1979 policy experiment is now using ‘bolt-
ons’, like industrial policy, to ensure that statepolicy answers
exigencies without addressing fundamentals. But if we follow
Braudel to think about the foundational economy and the character of state-sustained corporate monopolies it is possible to reframe
policy and imagine new kinds of intervention. No doubt there are
many possibilities, but we have a specific proposal. We argue that
foundational firms or sectors drawing on household expenditure
or tax revenue within a
become realms of predictability. Under them, long-term investments in intellectual formation and the means of production also make sense for persons far from
the centres of power. The lack of a monopoly of violence produces (under competitive conditions) spaces open to violence – violence ﬁelds. In these violence
ﬁelds, people invest individually in the social and physical conditions of security
in much higher proportions. Development, growth or productive innovation are
not their preoccupations.
The general practice of statepolicy towards violence ﬁelds organised by
This chapter provides a broad introduction to the politics of migration in the Middle East, from the colonial era to the present day, paying particular attention to the importance of statepolicies. There are, roughly, four time periods in the evolution of the Middle East migration system that should be discussed: the colonial period, encompassing the era of the Ottoman Empire and the colonial Mandate period that ended, roughly, in the years following the end of World War Two. This is a period characterised by a rather free circulation of
contexts and practices that pre-dated the large immigration to both Irelands since the turn of the century.
Comparative institutional responses to racism
Legislation and statepolicies aimed at addressing racism have evolved differently in the two Irelands. In the Republic both grew out of anti-racist activism concerned since the 1980s with anti-Traveller prejudice and, as immigration rose, out of non-governmental organisation (NGO) pressure upon the Irish state to address its responsibilities under the UN Convention
between different sub-disciplines of political science in order to get a better understanding of the processes and outcomes of foreign policy decision-making by individual states.
The promise of cross-disciplinary policy research
The main contention of the book is that FPA has much to benefit from more systematically taking on board scholarship in PP. This allows it to broaden the conceptual toolbox for the analysis of statepolicies toward external events and topics, and to capture the real-world shifts and
fieldwork data collected over more than a decade on the three areas of labour relations, statepolicy and LGIs, and civil
society. By doing so, it draws out the uneven dynamics of class relations at
different levels and in different social settings, and sheds some light on the
impediments to, as well as possibilities for, pro-labouring-class change.
Fieldwork locations and methods
Karnataka is the least researched of India’s southern states. Research
for this book began in Dharwad district in 2002 in the village of
Panchnagaram.18 It expanded outwards first to the
that implicitly criticized statepolicy or expressed Uyghur aspirations for self-determination.5
While all of these efforts were similar to the crackdowns in the
region during the 1990s, their new framing as ‘counterterrorism,’
an internationally recognized justification for the suspension of
human rights, facilitated a more aggressive approach towards controlling the ways that Uyghurs behaved and thought. This was a
trend that would continue with increased intensity in the years that
followed, especially in the southern Tarim Basin, which accounted
for about 82
Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
can be incorporated into statepolicy. In unsuccessful cases, armed non-state actors might escalate their violent struggle, which often results in governments being perceived as weak. With regard to international humanitarian law and humanitarian issues in general, any kind of engagement with ANSAs is often difficult to avoid, leading to similar concerns of (in-)directly recognising or legitimating armed groups through engagement (Barbelet 2008 ; Herr 2015 ; Jo and Thomson 2014 ; MacLeod et al. 2016 ).
When dealing with armed non-state actors
Fancy a Putin-themed T-shirt or pair of knickers? This chapter is devoted to the phenomenon of Putin branding that has emerged both off- and online. President Putin’s likeness has become a veritable brand that serves to project alignment with the Kremlin’s foreign policy. The domestic market has embraced this campaign: stores featuring “patriotic collections” selling T-shirts with Putin became ubiquitous. The visage of President Putin has become a symbol of the rebirth of the great power identity. Virility, hyper-masculinity, and emasculation of others are among several aspects consistent with a patriarchal and sexualized perspective on international politics. Putin branding has, however, dangerous consequences given that disagreement with state policy is interpreted as a sign of disloyalty to the man who came to embody the nation.