consolidated the ‘Party’ in a position
of authority in most of São Paulo’s prisons, the hegemony of the
‘Command’ in the prison system was marked with another key
event that acted as a kind of ritual of PCC consolidation: the
‘mega-rebellion’, which took place simultaneously in twenty-six
prison units across São Paulo in 2001.
Statepolicies: tension between matrices
Alongside this unprecedented legitimation of crime as a pole of
political power among prisoners, in the mid-1990s two other sets
of discourses regarding violence, murder and justice – based on
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio
2008; Jessop, 2002: 42; for a further discussion, see MacKenzie and Martínez
Lucio, 2014). To this extent, the question of coordination of such levels and
different approaches in public policy and state agencies politically and organisationally is one we need to be alert to (Crouch, 1993). What is more, the state
intervenes not just in social spaces but also in ideological ones where specific
issues, sensibilities and even national debates develop and configure the nature
and impact of statepolicies (Locke and Thelen, 2006). Within these social and
Over more than thirty years of reform and opening, the Chinese Communist Party has pursued the gradual marketization of China’s economy alongside the preservation of a resiliently authoritarian political system, defying long-standing predictions that ‘transition’ to a market economy would catalyse deeper political transformation. In an era of deepening synergy between authoritarian politics and finance capitalism, Communists constructing capitalism offers a novel and important perspective on this central dilemma of contemporary Chinese development. This book challenges existing state–market paradigms of political economy and reveals the Eurocentric assumptions of liberal scepticism towards Chinese authoritarian resilience. It works with an alternative conceptual vocabulary for analysing the political economy of financial development as both the management and exploitation of socio-economic uncertainty. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork and over sixty interviews with policymakers, bankers, and former party and state officials, the book delves into the role of China’s state-owned banking system since 1989. It shows how political control over capital has been central to China’s experience of capitalist development, enabling both rapid economic growth whilst preserving macroeconomic and political stability. Communists constructing capitalism will be of academic interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of Chinese studies, social studies of finance, and international and comparative political economy. Beyond academia, it will be essential reading for anyone interested in the evolution of Chinese capitalism and its implications for an increasingly central issue in contemporary global politics: the financial foundations of illiberal capitalism.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
This chapter extends the analysis of models of hydrocarbon management by considering their implementation via fiscal systems as a specific strand of state policy. This chapter combines academic and industry literature to examine the four main approaches to state resource management and their association with the ‘development status’ of a country (Kaiser and Pulsipher, 2004; 2006). Attention is paid to the influence of ideology on the four approaches, particularly in relation to how the models originate from varying perspectives of state resource ownership and control. The chapter considers the utilisation of these types of fiscal systems in a range of countries and discusses their outcomes in the form of ‘rent’ or ‘government take’. Utilising secondary data from several international studies of ‘government take’, the chapter emphasises how Ireland’s model of resource management is unique both in terms of it being a licensing system (used in less than half the countries with hydrocarbon production worldwide) and its very low rates of government take (one of the lowest in the world). Thus, this chapter underscores the distinctiveness of the Irish model, raising further questions around why Ireland’s approach is quite exceptional - answers to which are provided in the following chapter.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
borders. In China, for instance, the question for the state is not
whether or not to regulate religion, but how much regulation is the
right amount to maintain a ‘harmonious society’. Grim
and Finke are surely right to point to China’s statepolicies
on religion as closely linked to the survival of a political system
still nominally based on Communism.
In Chinese history, state power
terrorism specifically targets the civilian population.
Having acknowledged the blurring of the boundaries between ‘new’ war and terrorism, Bar On concludes by arguing for one significant difference: that warfare as waged by modern, liberal democratic states has at least the merit of being susceptible to control by the political process. As conducted by states, warfare is subject to statepolicies, which in turn may be supported or reversed by political action. Spying a modest silver lining in an otherwise distinctly cloudy setting, Bar On concludes that ‘an