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Tradition and taboo
Guy Austin

and periods. The three chosen here represent an awareness of the loss caused by the segregation of the sexes and the patriarchal nature of Algerian familial and social relations. The context for these films is to a large extent derived from not just Islamic traditions and taboos but also state policies in both colonial and postcolonial Algeria. Each film approaches the question of gender from a distinct perspective: in the

in Algerian national cinema
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Twilight City and the birth of global London
Malini Guha

asylum seeker, minorities and undocumented workers. 55 As he writes, these figures are both inside and outside the parameters of the nation state and even those granted citizenship or the right to remain can suddenly and shockingly find themselves on the wrong side of state policies, as is exactly the case with the Windrush scandal of 2018. 56 The Windrush scandal denotes the wrongful deportation of members of the Windrush generation, who arrived as Commonwealth citizens to the UK. Those who were not deported were often detained and

in Global London on screen
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Algerian national cinemas
Guy Austin

torn between socialism and capitalism [. . .] between East and West, between the French and Arabic languages, between Arab and Berber, between tradition and modernity. (cited in Evans and Phillips 2007 : 175) Boudiaf ’s assassination may have delayed this realisation from inflecting state policy. But more recently, in 1999, Bouteflika was quoted as

in Algerian national cinema
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National cinema and unstable genres
Valentina Vitali

similarly exploitative, cheaply produced genres as part of some national cinemas and to exclude the same type of film from the accounts of the cinema in other countries? The scope of this book is, for lack of a better term, global. I advance an argument that brings into comparative perspective one single dynamic  – the relation between shifting economic interests, state policies and film historiography – as it plays out in different national cinemas. I am not in a position, nor do I intend, to offer an anthological approach that assesses the situation in each major film

in Capital and popular cinema
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Valentina Vitali

equation by examining the changing relation, in particular countries, between the state, the film industry and the aesthetic of the films the latter produces. Instead of assuming a context–text synchronous relation, in Chapters 2, 3 and 4 I have thus sought to identify as thick a web of connections as space here allowed between industrial and financial interests within a country’s film industry and economy, social conditions and cultural considerations, and the state’s position vis-à-vis these processes, as evident through, for instance, state policies. In Chapter 1 I

in Capital and popular cinema
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Habana Blues and the framing of diasporic cubanía
Susan Thomas

musicians’ decisions to maintain professional as well as personal ties to the island have influenced state policy as well as public sentiment, with events such as the Cuban Ministry of Culture’s official invitation to Madrid-based collective Habana Abierta to perform in Havana in 2003 serving as a watershed moment in Cuba’s evolving relationship with those who have left (see Thomas, 2005 ). Film has been a powerful disseminator of

in Screening songs in Hispanic and Lusophone cinema
Spectacle and Spanish identity during Franco’s dictatorship
Juan Francisco Gutiérrez Lozano

bullfight. The next step came in 1959, when the TVE signal reached Barcelona and a production centre was opened in the Catalan capital. The minor economic recovery experienced from 1959 onwards and the opening of Spain’s borders to foreign commerce aided television in its quest to establish itself. This new economic freedom was accompanied by a similar transformation in state policy on science and technology, which also significantly benefited the medium, increasing state and private investment in the technology of production and transmission. In the years that followed

in Popular television in authoritarian Europe
Ruth Barton

on the traumatic past of Fascism and the Civil War (Delgado, 2008 ; Lazaro-Reboll, 2012 ). This extends to Alejandro Amenábar’s Los Otros , which, although ostensibly stateless like The Canal, can convincingly be read as an allegorical commentary on the ‘Pact of Forgetting’ (el pacto del olvido) that became official state policy following the death of Franco in 1975 (Acevedo-Muñoz, 1998 : 203–18). Similarly, Japanese and Korean horror cinemas offer themselves to social and historical interpretations that have not impeded their successful distribution to

in Irish cinema in the twenty-first century
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Jonathan Rayner

identity, as well as the continuation of state policy, by other means. The repeated description of modern US Navy aircraft carriers as ‘four-and-a-half acres of sovereign territory’ underlines the lack of distinction between the warship and the country beyond the horizon it represents.18 However, this interchangeability between vessel and country makes the American warship in film the arena for contemporary politico-military debate, and the location for both positive and negative treatments of aggressive defence and interventionist foreign policy (The Bedford Incident

in The naval war film
Franju’s cinema in the age of the court métrage
Kate Ince

of the Fifth Republic, 1958 saw the establishment in France’s governmental apparatus for the first time of a Ministry of Cultural Affairs, with André Malraux as its acclaimed first minister. Up to this point, state policy on cinema had been the responsibility of departments of industry and trade, for whose civil servants and ministers it was inevitably well down the agenda. The institution of a Ministry of Culture in 1958

in Georges Franju