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This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
historically greater Turkish influence in the country. In order to elaborate on these points, the chapter will first outline France’s broader immigration, citizenship and integration policies and then examine state policies towards religion, with a focus on the country’s relations with the Turkish community. Immigration, citizenship and integration policies in France
. Kuwait's relations with Africa have been on multiple – and increasingly coordinated – levels of state policy, civil society and pious individual donors. The Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development (KFAED) initially focused on assisting Arab countries (including Sudan, Somalia, Djibouti and Comoros, members of the Arab League), but expanded its mandate to non-Arab countries in 1975, with a focus on Africa. This assistance developed in part following the 1973 Arab–Israeli war, which was a defining moment in Kuwait's joining other Arab countries in enhancing relations
its relationship with Muslims has been intrusive and securitised. This chapter will delve into Germany’s immigration, citizenship and integration policies, as well as state policies towards religion, focusing on its complex ties to the Turkish community. Immigration, citizenship and integration policies in Germany According to the Federal Statistical Office, as of 2019 there
This chapter provides a broad introduction to the politics of migration in the Middle East, from the colonial era to the present day, paying particular attention to the importance of state policies. There are, roughly, four time periods in the evolution of the Middle East migration system that should be discussed: the colonial period, encompassing the era of the Ottoman Empire and the colonial Mandate period that ended, roughly, in the years following the end of World War Two. This is a period characterised by a rather free circulation of
can be incorporated into state policy. In unsuccessful cases, armed non-state actors might escalate their violent struggle, which often results in governments being perceived as weak. With regard to international humanitarian law and humanitarian issues in general, any kind of engagement with ANSAs is often difficult to avoid, leading to similar concerns of (in-)directly recognising or legitimating armed groups through engagement (Barbelet 2008 ; Herr 2015 ; Jo and Thomson 2014 ; MacLeod et al. 2016 ). When dealing with armed non-state actors
contexts and practices that pre-dated the large immigration to both Irelands since the turn of the century. Comparative institutional responses to racism Legislation and state policies aimed at addressing racism have evolved differently in the two Irelands. In the Republic both grew out of anti-racist activism concerned since the 1980s with anti-Traveller prejudice and, as immigration rose, out of non-governmental organisation (NGO) pressure upon the Irish state to address its responsibilities under the UN Convention
fieldwork data collected over more than a decade on the three areas of labour relations, state policy and LGIs, and civil society. By doing so, it draws out the uneven dynamics of class relations at different levels and in different social settings, and sheds some light on the impediments to, as well as possibilities for, pro-labouring-class change. Fieldwork locations and methods Karnataka is the least researched of India’s southern states. Research for this book began in Dharwad district in 2002 in the village of Panchnagaram.18 It expanded outwards first to the
Fancy a Putin-themed T-shirt or pair of knickers? This chapter is devoted to the phenomenon of Putin branding that has emerged both off- and online. President Putin’s likeness has become a veritable brand that serves to project alignment with the Kremlin’s foreign policy. The domestic market has embraced this campaign: stores featuring “patriotic collections” selling T-shirts with Putin became ubiquitous. The visage of President Putin has become a symbol of the rebirth of the great power identity. Virility, hyper-masculinity, and emasculation of others are among several aspects consistent with a patriarchal and sexualized perspective on international politics. Putin branding has, however, dangerous consequences given that disagreement with state policy is interpreted as a sign of disloyalty to the man who came to embody the nation.
concepts of material support, gives the political actors the leverage to label groups critical to state policies as terrorist groups or as supporters of terrorism. Consequently, it gives these state actors the excuse to deploy exceptional measures such as counter-terrorism laws to repress and silence these groups. For instance, in the United States, the concept of material support has been a source of legal contestation