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Sean R. Roberts

practised religion independent of state-approved institutions as well as those perceived as disloyal to the state, and it continued to incentivise Uyghur assimilation into Han-centric society through educational and work programmes. In public discourse, the label of ‘separatist’ was replaced with that of ‘terrorist’ and there was increased scrutiny of Uyghurs who appeared particularly pious, but these were merely subtle changes to the state ‘anti-separatism’ campaigns during the 1990s. The major shift in state policy in the early

in The rise of global Islamophobia in the War on Terror
France’s response to Turkey’s changing relations with its diaspora
Ayca Arkilic

historically greater Turkish influence in the country. In order to elaborate on these points, the chapter will first outline France’s broader immigration, citizenship and integration policies and then examine state policies towards religion, with a focus on the country’s relations with the Turkish community. Immigration, citizenship and integration policies in France

in Diaspora diplomacy
Mara A. Leichtman

. Kuwait's relations with Africa have been on multiple – and increasingly coordinated – levels of state policy, civil society and pious individual donors. The Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development (KFAED) initially focused on assisting Arab countries (including Sudan, Somalia, Djibouti and Comoros, members of the Arab League), but expanded its mandate to non-Arab countries in 1975, with a focus on Africa. This assistance developed in part following the 1973 Arab–Israeli war, which was a defining moment in Kuwait's joining other Arab countries in enhancing relations

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Germany’s response to Turkey’s changing relations with its diaspora
Ayca Arkilic

its relationship with Muslims has been intrusive and securitised. This chapter will delve into Germany’s immigration, citizenship and integration policies, as well as state policies towards religion, focusing on its complex ties to the Turkish community. Immigration, citizenship and integration policies in Germany According to the Federal Statistical Office, as of 2019 there

in Diaspora diplomacy
Gerasimos Gerasimos

This chapter provides a broad introduction to the politics of migration in the Middle East, from the colonial era to the present day, paying particular attention to the importance of state policies. There are, roughly, four time periods in the evolution of the Middle East migration system that should be discussed: the colonial period, encompassing the era of the Ottoman Empire and the colonial Mandate period that ended, roughly, in the years following the end of World War Two. This is a period characterised by a rather free circulation of

in Migration diplomacy in the Middle East and North Africa
Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
Maéva Clément
,
Anna Geis
, and
Hanna Pfeifer

can be incorporated into state policy. In unsuccessful cases, armed non-state actors might escalate their violent struggle, which often results in governments being perceived as weak. With regard to international humanitarian law and humanitarian issues in general, any kind of engagement with ANSAs is often difficult to avoid, leading to similar concerns of (in-)directly recognising or legitimating armed groups through engagement (Barbelet 2008 ; Herr 2015 ; Jo and Thomson 2014 ; MacLeod et al. 2016 ). When dealing with armed non-state actors

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Bryan Fanning
and
Lucy Michael

contexts and practices that pre-dated the large immigration to both Irelands since the turn of the century. Comparative institutional responses to racism Legislation and state policies aimed at addressing racism have evolved differently in the two Irelands. In the Republic both grew out of anti-racist activism concerned since the 1980s with anti-Traveller prejudice and, as immigration rose, out of non-governmental organisation (NGO) pressure upon the Irish state to address its responsibilities under the UN Convention

in Immigrants as outsiders in the two Irelands
Abstract only
Jonathan Pattenden

fieldwork data collected over more than a decade on the three areas of labour relations, state policy and LGIs, and civil society. By doing so, it draws out the uneven dynamics of class relations at different levels and in different social settings, and sheds some light on the impediments to, as well as possibilities for, pro-labouring-class change. Fieldwork locations and methods Karnataka is the least researched of India’s southern states. Research for this book began in Dharwad district in 2002 in the village of Panchnagaram.18 It expanded outwards first to the

in Labour, state and society in rural India
Abstract only
Elizaveta Gaufman

Fancy a Putin-themed T-shirt or pair of knickers? This chapter is devoted to the phenomenon of Putin branding that has emerged both off- and online. President Putin’s likeness has become a veritable brand that serves to project alignment with the Kremlin’s foreign policy. The domestic market has embraced this campaign: stores featuring “patriotic collections” selling T-shirts with Putin became ubiquitous. The visage of President Putin has become a symbol of the rebirth of the great power identity. Virility, hyper-masculinity, and emasculation of others are among several aspects consistent with a patriarchal and sexualized perspective on international politics. Putin branding has, however, dangerous consequences given that disagreement with state policy is interpreted as a sign of disloyalty to the man who came to embody the nation.

in Everyday foreign policy
The vicious cycle of institutionalised racism and reinforcing the Muslim ‘Other’
Tahir Abbas

English encounters with Muslim-majority lands from the Crusades, colonial occupations, and most recently the War on Terror, provide a foundation for a nuanced understanding of current-day anti-Muslim racism in the United Kingdom (UK) – i.e., Islamophobia. In the context of the War on Terror, ‘Others’ – Muslims in Britain – have been brutally demonised. Muslims, routinely presented as the source of society’s ills, are subjected to both symbolic and actual violence. Deep-seated and structurally racialised norms amplify the isolation and alienation, impeding Muslim integration. Both these ‘left-behind’ Muslims and white British groups, who perceive themselves as the true nation, are under pressure from ongoing geopolitical concerns in the Muslim world, as well as widening divisions at home. This chapter discusses the symbiotic intersections between interpersonal and institutional Islamophobia and radicalisation, which have fuelled the growth of nativist and populist anti-Muslim protest movements, as well as sanitised state policies and legislation policing the Muslim subject under the guise of national security and curbing ‘extremism’ in the War on Terror. Ultimately, the perpetuation of interpersonal and structural Islamophobia in the UK and beyond creates a cycle of hate crimes, the institutionalisation of Islamophobia, and the normalisation of war and conflict.

in The rise of global Islamophobia in the War on Terror