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Michael Carter-Sinclair

base of adherents there. Hitler had also used state policy to apply pressure on Dollfuss, imposing a one thousand Mark tourist tax on any German who wanted to visit Austria, cutting off a vital source of state revenue. 81 Dollfuss retaliated by having the Nazi Party in Austria declared illegal in June 1933. Some Austrian Nazis fled to Bavaria, where they were organised into an armed force, the Austrian Legion. 82 Dollfuss also moved to remodel Austria as a Christian-German, corporate state, where ‘sectional interests’ would take second place to those of the nation

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Abstract only
Migrants into minorities
Shailja Sharma

lack of coherent systems for inclusion have caused state policies to swing schizophrenically between inclusion and exclusion. In the 1990s, with the spread of “new racism”, or cultural racism, the discourse of difference exacerbated the lack of acceptance by host societies. François Mitterrand’s famous phrase in December 1989 about France’s seuil de tolérance provided fire to those who, like Jean-Marie le Pen of the National Front, wanted the forced repatriation of existing migrants. Notably, the most Mitterrand offered was tolerance, not acceptance or even welcome

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
The state as actor
Ali Riaz

give and take on both sides. Assimilation suggests that the immigrants must do the adjusting.’23 At no point did state policies indicate the encouragement of an exchange between the migrant communities and the society at large. Some authors argue that the assimilationist mindset of the policy-makers was not a post-1960s phenomenon, but had begun as early as 1945. Ian Spencer, for example, writes, ‘“Assimilation” and “racial conflict” are two terms which frequently recur in official writings on the subject of “coloured” immigration in this period [1945–55].’24 This

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Abstract only
Ali Riaz

was the British government playing in addressing these issues, particularly in stemming the appeal of the Islamists to younger British-born Bangladeshis? Or conversely, should the government play any role? Did state policies have any bearing on the growing appeal of Islamists for the British-Bangladeshis? At this critical moment of the debate a wealth of Foreign Office documents in regard to British policy towards the Islamists at home and abroad became available to the public.4 These documents addressed wider issues, but provided enough food for thought to those

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Shailja Sharma

the twenty-first century, the shrinking of the welfare state combined with the “war on terrorism” has effected a change in both official and popular attitudes towards minorities that threatens to eradicate the hard-won gains of the last three decades. Hybridity, in late-twentieth-century Europe, had worked well with the policies of “multiculturalism”, which acted as (safe) discourses about race. For example, in Britain, multiculturalism (as state policy)1 and hybridity (as identity) had become part of the state’s apparatus in “dealing with” its minorities. This also

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
Peter Murray
and
Maria Feeney

confined to be effective’ (Peter Murray 2009: 75). By the early 1960s the new laboratories and equipment financed by the Grant Counterpart Fund were redressing this defect. Policies that opened up the Irish economy and emphasised export growth fostered a greater awareness of the importance of industrial research. In 1966, with an Anglo-​Irish Free Trade Agreement negotiated, and the achievement of EEC entry as a central state policy objective, the US consultants Arthur D. Little Inc. were brought in to advise on changes at the IIRS1 at the same time as they were working

in Church, state and social science in Ireland
Abstract only
Ali Riaz

-Bangladeshi community to subscribe to an interpretation of Islam where religion is secondary and politics is primary. This is an ideology propagated by Islamists which underscores a homogenized notion of religion, emphasizes political activism more than personal piety, and stresses the need to pursue a single vision and goal. This development is facilitated by state policies and community politics, but most importantly because of the efforts of the Islamist organizations. * * * Recent developments in regard to identity politics among BritishBangladeshis presents two sets of questions

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
The backlash against multiculturalism
Shailja Sharma

postcolonial populations. This prevents any systemic questioning of the nexus between state policies, colonial history and racism. Therefore, any discussion of multiculturalism as an isolating and radicalizing policy in both countries must acknowledge the considerable differences between France and Britain. In Britain there is a more active “communitarian” The backlash against multiculturalism121 pursuit of multiculturalism and the approach is more “separate but equal”, while in France multiculturalism has not been followed as a policy and segregation in housing, education

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
People, organisations and aims
John Carter Wood

University of Oxford – about how an unofficial body of Christians might influence State policy. The idea had been partly realised in the CCFCL, but Oldham concluded it had been wrong to mix social thought and an ‘ecclesiastical organisation’: ‘The new set-up’, he found, ‘offers much better prospects’. 71 The CCFCL (and then the BCC) would coordinate church efforts and provide a British link to the WCC in Geneva, leaving the CFC free, as Oldham put it, for the ‘pioneer work’ of intellectually ‘tunnelling from the opposite end’: i.e. not deriving social policy from

in This is your hour
Ami Pedahzur

’. However, contrary to expectations, the group of associations that actively questioned state policy was not the group to suffer from the State’s ‘bear hug’, which was reserved for the group whose goal was the assimilation of democratic values by Israeli society. Yet, a (diachronic) look to the future seems to imply some weakening of the State’s strength. As figure 4.2 illustrates, the number of organisations populating the ‘pro-democratic civil society’ is significantly increasing. The more recently established organisations mentioned above are operating in a more

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence