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America, Europe, and the crises of the 1970s
Ariane Leendertz

In the twenty-first century, transatlantic relations no longer enjoy the prominence they had in both the foreign policies of the United States and of many Western European countries, as well as in the history of international relations during the second half of the twentieth century. Yet, transatlantic relations remain a focus of study by historians and political scientists, as America and the European Union still are, economically and politically (and, in the American case, militarily), two of the most powerful actors in international

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
Giles Scott- Smith

in the last two decades that, together with BMW, they have turned their attention to strengthening transatlantic relations. Promoting transatlantic-orientated ‘responsible leadership’ across an array of professions and not simply among ‘typical Atlanticists’ is a central goal. 33 Bertelsmann’s Transatlantic Policy Lab, in partnership with the Rockefeller Foundation

in Soft power and the future of US foreign policy
A programme for the teaching of history in the post- national era
Thomas Adam

governments remain important agents in this field of study, transatlantic scholars recognized the roles non-governmental actors play in transatlantic relations. ‘Historians of international relations … had’, as Akira Iriye reminds us, ‘virtually ignored’ the activities of non-governmental organizations. 30 Yet, the activities of non-governmental associations such as Greenpeace reminded scholars that there were powers outside the realm of traditional state authority. Gienow-Hecht observed: Aware of the crucial role played by

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered

The volume explores the role of soft power in US foreign policy – past, present, and future. Bringing together a diverse group of leading international scholars and practitioners, it combines conceptual contributions to soft power research with empirical studies examining the state and significance of US soft power. In so doing, the volume focuses on recent years as it discusses in particular the Trump presidency as well as the first year of Joseph R. Biden in the White House. While the Trump administration severely damaged US reputation abroad, President Biden has made clear his intention to drastically change the United States’ outlook on the world from an early point in his presidency. In this endeavour, attractive soft power has featured prominently from the start. The volume addresses select issue areas – including terrorism threats, foreign economic policy, and cultural diplomacy – as well as crucial foreign bilateral relations – including Sino-American, Russian-American, and transatlantic relations – from a soft power perspective. It offers an early assessment of Biden’s first year in office as well as future perspectives and recommendations regarding the role of soft power in US foreign policy. Consequently, the volume provides an essential and unique compendium – for students, scholars, and practitioners alike – on how soft power informs US foreign policy and diplomatic practice today and in years to come.

The TransAtlantic reconsidered brings together established experts from Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies – two fields that are closely connected in their historical and disciplinary development as well as with regard to the geographical area of their interest. Questions of methodology and boundaries of periodization tend to separate these research fields. However, in order to understand the Atlantic World and transatlantic relations today, Atlantic History and Transatlantic Studies should be considered together. The scholars represented in this volume have helped to shape, re-shape, and challenge the narrative(s) of the Atlantic World and can thus (re-)evaluate its conceptual basis in view of historiographical developments and contemporary challenges. This volume thus documents and reflects on the changes within Transatlantic Studies during the last decades. New perspectives on research reconceptualize how we think about the Atlantic World. At a time when many political observers perceive a crisis in transatlantic relations, critical evaluation of past narratives and frameworks will provide an academic foundation to move forward.

Abstract only
Arantza Gómez Arana
and
María J. García

? The belt and road initiative and international order ”, International Affairs 94 ( 2 ), 231–49 . https://academic.oup.com/ia/article/94/2/231/4851910 . Peterson . J. ( 2016 ). “ Introduction: where things stand and what happens next ”, in Alcaro , R. , Peterson , J. and Greco , E. (eds), The West and the Global Power Shift: Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. London : Springer

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
America’s abiding advantage
Hendrik W. Ohnesorge

positive impact on already weakened intergovernmental relations, such as transatlantic relations. In the final analysis, the chapters assembled in this volume and only cursorily presented at this point, offer important and timely insights into the state and future of soft power in US foreign policy from a host of different perspectives. At the same time, the editor is aware of the fact that the volume can

in Soft power and the future of US foreign policy
Alister Miskimmon
,
Ben O’Loughlin
,
Laura Roselle
, and
Faith Leslie

20, 2017.’ 12 Despite President Trump’s unorthodox approach to international affairs and a cooling in transatlantic relations, arguably, the actions of the Biden administration have indicated continuity, rather than wholesale change, due to longer standing trends in US foreign policy. The United States’ decision to withdraw from Afghanistan in August 2021, and a month later the

in Soft power and the future of US foreign policy
Abstract only
The more things change the more they stay the same?
María J. García
and
Arantza Gómez Arana

ground, but rather set the framework for greater external pressure on the issues (García's chapter). Beyond government-level interactions, inter-parliamentary dialogues have also been firmly institutionalised within transatlantic relations. As with other high-level inter-regional dialogues, Eurolat has failed to reach agreements. Subsequent decisions and plans for action on key issues, such as the deteriorating social situation in Venezuela, have failed to materialise, given different views on the matter and Latin American states’ opposition to

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
George Washington and Anglo-American memory diplomacy, c.1890–1925
Sam Edwards

transatlantic elites: politicians, diplomats, ambassadors, civil servants, philanthropists, and specially formed private associations including, significantly, women’s patriotic societies. Eager to bolster transatlantic relations in the present, such elites trawled the past for figures and events that they could claim – and commemorate – as indicative of a uniquely close Anglo-American bond. 12 The important role played by such activities in the post-1945 era has certainly received attention. 13 But by examining the period from the Anglo-American rapprochement of the 1890s

in Culture matters