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America, Europe, and the crises of the 1970s
Ariane Leendertz

In the twenty-first century, transatlantic relations no longer enjoy the prominence they had in both the foreign policies of the United States and of many Western European countries, as well as in the history of international relations during the second half of the twentieth century. Yet, transatlantic relations remain a focus of study by historians and political scientists, as America and the European Union still are, economically and politically (and, in the American case, militarily), two of the most powerful actors in international

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
Ministers, atomic espionage and Anglo-American relations
Daniel W. B. Lomas

represented the post-war solidification of a series of ‘special’, highly compartmentalised intelligence relationships spanning the fields of human intelligence, signals intelligence, counter-intelligence, special operations and analysis, which burgeoned in the post-war period and which, because of their specialised nature, were resistant to wider tensions in transatlantic relations. 8

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
Paul Latawski
Martin A. Smith

Transatlantic relations have been a core issue in European – especially West European – security since the end of the Second World War. The first section of this chapter examines the nature of the transatlantic relationship and its Cold War evolution. Attention then moves, in the second section, to considering its development during the years since 1989. It will then be argued, in the third and final

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
A programme for the teaching of history in the post- national era
Thomas Adam

governments remain important agents in this field of study, transatlantic scholars recognized the roles non-governmental actors play in transatlantic relations. ‘Historians of international relations … had’, as Akira Iriye reminds us, ‘virtually ignored’ the activities of non-governmental organizations. 30 Yet, the activities of non-governmental associations such as Greenpeace reminded scholars that there were powers outside the realm of traditional state authority. Gienow-Hecht observed: Aware of the crucial role played by

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
Mark Webber

against Terror: The Fall of NATO and Europe’s Reluctant Coming of Age’, European Security , Vol. 12(2), 2003, pp. 73–4. 10 Cited in T.G. Carpenter, ‘The Bush Administration’s Security Strategy: Implications for Transatlantic Relations’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs , Vol. 16(3), 2003

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
Ana E. Juncos

guided by another principle: the existence of domaines privés or issues that cannot be submitted to discussion and interference from the rest of the member states. These areas have traditionally included security issues (national defence, borders, nuclear status or neutrality) and special relationships (like the US–UK relationship). For example, a member of a group dealing with transatlantic

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia
Abstract only
Daniel W. B. Lomas

in the field of security. After the Fuchs and Pontecorvo scandals, ministers reacted quickly to repair any damage to transatlantic relations by introducing new security procedures known as ‘positive vetting’. The chapter also uses newly released archival material to shed light on ministerial reactions to the disapperance of the Foreign Office diplomats, Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean, in the spring

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

power. The post-September 11 world is one which has revealed a serious chasm in transatlantic relations. Much has been made of the differences between the Bush Administration and the EU, with many urging the transformation of the EU into a global actor that can either counter US hegemony or at least balance it or influence it in a positive manner. US unilateralism has serious implications for the

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Charlotte Wagnsson

this is the case, it is vital to be able to identify such areas in order better to understand past disputes, and foresee possible future crises, in transatlantic relations. It is useful to know precisely on which fundamental issues individual European leaderships have tended to agree and disagree in the recent past. It might be expected that the actors will diverge on a number of important standpoints

in Security in a greater Europe
Abstract only
From stabilisation to integration
Ana E. Juncos

). However, the Iraq War and the resulting transatlantic rift delayed an agreement on the deployment of the EU mission (Reichard, 2006 : 22). It was only a year later, after transatlantic relations had improved and the EU had successfully taken over the NATO operation in Macedonia, that preparations for EUFOR Althea started in Mons and Brussels. The launch of the mission had to await NATO’s official

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia