) ’, Boundary 2 ,
20 : 3 ,
65 – 76 . Dussel ,
E. ( 2008 ), Twenty
Theses on Politics ( Durham, NC : Duke
University Press ). Grosfoguel , R. and
Cervantes-Rodriguez , A.
M. ( 2002 ),
‘ Introduction: Unthinking Twentieth-century Eurocentric Mythologies:
Universal Knowledge, Decolonization, and Developmentalism ’, in
Cervantes-Rodriguez , A.
M. (eds), The Modern/Colonial/Capitalist
World-System in the TwentiethCentury: Global Processes, Antisystemic Movements, and the
, with their
cosmopolitan project of liberal order and rules-based global governance, initiated after the
Second World War and expanded after the Cold War. If this victory is consolidated, it will bring
an end to the American messianism of the twentiethcentury, with its division of the world
between ‘good’ and ‘evil’, its globalising imperative to reorganise
the world through the deregulation of markets and frontiers and its conceited attempts to
universalise liberal democracy and human rights. And it will also pose an existential threat to
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
Introduction But of all our contemporary illusions, the most dangerous … is the idea that we live in a time without precedent . Tony Judt, Reappraisals: Reflections on the Forgotten TwentiethCentury ( Judt, 2008 ) If some humanitarian-organisation spokespeople are to be believed, the norms and principles underpinning their action have been under attack since the end of the Cold War, which is endangering both humanitarian teams and the operations they conduct. References to ‘before’ have been heard since the mid-1990s, in the wake of the Bosnian War and the
Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by
liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early
twentiethcenturies and the global political and economic system the European empires created.
Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentiethcentury, is liberal space,
even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals.
To the extent that there is something constitutively liberal about
( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ). Jobs for life,
intergenerational career structures, apprenticeships, subsidised canteens, social clubs, sports
facilities and company pensions have disappeared. In the mid twentiethcentury, for the white
working class at least, welfarism together with a Fordist employment culture provided a high
degree of protection against market forces. Indeed, this was a defining political feature of the
West’s racial- and gender-inflected Cold War social-democratic settlement ( Streeck, 2017 ). Over the last two or three decades
On 25 September 1911 the battleship Liberté exploded in
Toulon harbour. This tragedy is just one of the many disasters that the French
fleet suffered at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth
centuries and also represents the peak of these calamities, since it is
undoubtedly the most deadly suffered by a French Navy ship in peacetime. The aim
of this article is to study how the navy managed this disaster and the resulting
deaths of service personnel, which were all the more traumatic because the
incident happened in France’s main military port and in circumstances
that do not match the traditional forms of death at sea.
The fate of Namibian skulls in the Alexander Ecker Collection in
This article explores the history of the Alexander Ecker Collection and situates
it within the larger trajectory of global collecting of human remains during the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This is then linked to the specific
context of the genocide in then German South West Africa (1904–8), with
the central figure of Eugen Fischer. The later trajectory of the collection
leads up to the current issues of restitution. The Freiburg case is instructive
since it raises issues about the possibilities and limitations of provenance
research. At the same time, the actual restitution of fourteen human remains in
2014 occurred in a way that sparked serious conflict in Namibia which is still
on-going four years later. In closing, exigencies as well as pressing needs in
connection with the repatriation and (where possible) rehumanisation of human
remains are discussed.
‘Implementation of the laws of war in late twentieth-century
conflicts’, ibid ., 359; and Mettraux, International
Crimes and Ad hoc Tribunals , 2005 .
See, e.g., Green, ‘ “Unnecessary
suffering”, weapons control and the law of war’,
Essays , 1999, ch. 9; Greenwood, ‘The law of
weaponry at the
Thomas Johnson, leader of the Labour Party, felt that this was not adequate and
suggested seven or 10 years ‘because it is obvious, that constitutional matters
will not be in the minds of the people if these other legislative demands are being
Gerard Hogan, ‘A Desert Island Case Set in the Silver Sea: The State (Ryan) v.
Lennon (1934)’ in Eoin O’Dell (ed.), Leading Cases of the TwentiethCentury
(Dublin, 2000), 96–7.
The initiative could potentially have been a third, if it had been activated.
Dáil Debates, vol 1, col 1237, 5 October 1922 (Kevin O
that extended to Canada.18 However, Mohr also points out the generally
accepted legal view in the early twentiethcentury that ‘a new Imperial statute
could only be extended to a Dominion if the government of the Dominion had
requested and consented to it’.19
If one accepts the argument that Westminster did in fact retain some lawmaking power over the Irish Free State, then it follows that true popular sovereignty would not have been possible in the state, if the people were not the true
supreme authority. However, the essential point here is that those who drafted