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) ’, Boundary 2 , 20 : 3 , 65 – 76 . Dussel , E. ( 2008 ), Twenty Theses on Politics ( Durham, NC : Duke University Press ). Grosfoguel , R. and Cervantes-Rodriguez , A. M. ( 2002 ), ‘ Introduction: Unthinking Twentieth-century Eurocentric Mythologies: Universal Knowledge, Decolonization, and Developmentalism ’, in Grosfoguel , R. and Cervantes-Rodriguez , A. M. (eds), The Modern/Colonial/Capitalist World-System in the Twentieth Century: Global Processes, Antisystemic Movements, and the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

, with their cosmopolitan project of liberal order and rules-based global governance, initiated after the Second World War and expanded after the Cold War. If this victory is consolidated, it will bring an end to the American messianism of the twentieth century, with its division of the world between ‘good’ and ‘evil’, its globalising imperative to reorganise the world through the deregulation of markets and frontiers and its conceited attempts to universalise liberal democracy and human rights. And it will also pose an existential threat to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

Introduction But of all our contemporary illusions, the most dangerous … is the idea that we live in a time without precedent . Tony Judt, Reappraisals: Reflections on the Forgotten Twentieth Century ( Judt, 2008 ) If some humanitarian-organisation spokespeople are to be believed, the norms and principles underpinning their action have been under attack since the end of the Cold War, which is endangering both humanitarian teams and the operations they conduct

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created. Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space, even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals. To the extent that there is something constitutively liberal about

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ). Jobs for life, intergenerational career structures, apprenticeships, subsidised canteens, social clubs, sports facilities and company pensions have disappeared. In the mid twentieth century, for the white working class at least, welfarism together with a Fordist employment culture provided a high degree of protection against market forces. Indeed, this was a defining political feature of the West’s racial- and gender-inflected Cold War social-democratic settlement ( Streeck, 2017 ). Over the last two or three decades

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

On 25 September 1911 the battleship Liberté exploded in Toulon harbour. This tragedy is just one of the many disasters that the French fleet suffered at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries and also represents the peak of these calamities, since it is undoubtedly the most deadly suffered by a French Navy ship in peacetime. The aim of this article is to study how the navy managed this disaster and the resulting deaths of service personnel, which were all the more traumatic because the incident happened in France’s main military port and in circumstances that do not match the traditional forms of death at sea.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
The fate of Namibian skulls in the Alexander Ecker Collection in Freiburg

This article explores the history of the Alexander Ecker Collection and situates it within the larger trajectory of global collecting of human remains during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This is then linked to the specific context of the genocide in then German South West Africa (1904–8), with the central figure of Eugen Fischer. The later trajectory of the collection leads up to the current issues of restitution. The Freiburg case is instructive since it raises issues about the possibilities and limitations of provenance research. At the same time, the actual restitution of fourteen human remains in 2014 occurred in a way that sparked serious conflict in Namibia which is still on-going four years later. In closing, exigencies as well as pressing needs in connection with the repatriation and (where possible) rehumanisation of human remains are discussed.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

, ‘Implementation of the laws of war in late twentieth-century conflicts’, ibid ., 359; and Mettraux, International Crimes and Ad hoc Tribunals , 2005 . 34 See, e.g., Green, ‘ “Unnecessary suffering”, weapons control and the law of war’, Essays , 1999, ch. 9; Greenwood, ‘The law of weaponry at the

in The contemporary law of armed conflict

, Thomas Johnson, leader of the Labour Party, felt that this was not adequate and suggested seven or 10 years ‘because it is obvious, that constitutional matters will not be in the minds of the people if these other legislative demands are being Gerard Hogan, ‘A Desert Island Case Set in the Silver Sea: The State (Ryan) v. Lennon (1934)’ in Eoin O’Dell (ed.), Leading Cases of the Twentieth Century (Dublin, 2000), 96–7.  9 The initiative could potentially have been a third, if it had been activated. 10 Dáil Debates, vol 1, col 1237, 5 October 1922 (Kevin O

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

that extended to Canada.18 However, Mohr also points out the generally accepted legal view in the early twentieth century that ‘a new Imperial statute could only be extended to a Dominion if the government of the Dominion had requested and consented to it’.19 If one accepts the argument that Westminster did in fact retain some lawmaking power over the Irish Free State, then it follows that true popular sovereignty would not have been possible in the state, if the people were not the true supreme authority. However, the essential point here is that those who drafted

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution