through oral history, but the
people I interviewed were, of course, adults.
The twentiethcentury’s total wars thrust their way into the domestic
space, affecting children as never before. Bombing is just one potentially
traumatising trigger in war. Trauma has a number of symptoms specific
to children, which alter according to the child’s stage of development.
In children under five, traumatic events may provoke anxious attachment behaviour and a loss of recently learnt behaviours, such as toilet
training or speech. From around five or seven years old to about twelve,
’Europe, 15 September 1931, pp. 5–6, cited in
Mysyrowicz, Autopsie, p. 319.
18 J. Winter, ‘Forms of kinship and remembrance in the aftermath of the
Great War’, in J. Winter and E. Sivan (eds.), War and Remembrance in the
TwentiethCentury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 40.
v 65 v
19 A. Sauvy, Histoire économique de la France entre les deux guerres
(Paris: Fayard, 1965–75), Vol. I, p. 31.
20 J.-M. de Busscher, ‘A l’ombre des monuments des morts’, in O. Barrot
and P. Ory (eds.), Entre deux guerres: La création française 1919
adults we became. So perhaps the child’s
voice is not inaudible in the memories narrated by adults. While the title
of this book may point towards it being about children, it is as almost
as much about adults. Memories laid down in childhood now belong to
adults, thus the sources are created by adults. The experiences, however,
belong to children.
Across the twentiethcentury there has been increasing interest in how
war and other events distort or heighten memories, and therefore impact
upon an individual’s sense of self. Psychologists and neuroscientists have
v 41 v
Susanne Lachenicht, Charlotte A. Lerg and Michael Kimmage
these developments ‘marked a watershed in transatlantic relations’. 1 Some scholars have since argued for ‘a new and constructive Transatlantic Bargain for the twenty-first-century’. 2
Against this background and as we consign the twentiethcentury to history (chapter 2), 3 while major shifts ripple through global politics, how do we as academics assess the Atlantic World? It is time to critically reconsider the concept of the Atlantic World and the field of Transatlantic Studies.
The birth of a
This situation is unlikely to change, for the Atlantic has continued to widen and the market gap, the God gap, and the war gap show no signs of disappearing. The American Century in Europe is over. 5
Yet the end of the transatlantic era does not mean the end of the relevance of the transatlantic as a field of investigation. It is, in fact, its beginning. If one can talk of a distinctly transatlantic era, it must surely fall within the bounds of the twentiethcentury, taking in not only the rise (and relative decline) of the
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier
today as societies face levels of migration – and from non-Christian societies – that bring challenges to jobs and community values.
The fourth issue – that of how to allocate claims to wealth and income – has usually run parallel with the others, but became the focus of conflict and ideological contestation in the twentiethcentury. Its particular bitterness helped create the level of conflictuality and passion that Eric Hobsbawm characterized as the age of extremes from 1914 to 1989. It helped generate the two totalizing ideologies of the
contributions to national and imperial stock were properly
As Anna Davin has shown, the coupling of child welfare
and concerns about the moral fibre of the nation-state had wide
appeal in early twentieth-century Britain. It also entailed
precisely the kind of national service for women of which Millicent
Garrett Fawcett and many of her fellow suffragists approved
The Wesley high schools were extraordinarily
successful during the early years of the twentiethcentury ( figure 6 ).
They were centres of learning, producers of public servants and much sought after by Burmese
parents. 1 The early missionaries intended
their schools to be nurseries for church leaders and proselytisers of new members. In the
event the Mandalay Leper Home probably produced more converts than all the schools put
together. The schools lost their lustre in the 1920s, caused many headaches during the
exceptionalism to trace the constitutional history of their young country backwards to Magna Carta of 1215 6 and even to the dark forests of Germany where the Anglo-Saxon peoples had originated.
This brief depiction of what was being written from the seventeenth to the mid-twentiethcenturies on the history of England’s (or more accurately Britain’s) colonies in North America will serve to explain how Robert Palmer, a historian of Europe based in the United States, could conceive of the existence of an Atlantic Community in past centuries when such a
A programme for the teaching of history in the post- national era
Historians in the TwentiethCentury (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 55–87; S. Berger, ‘The German Tradition of Historiography: 1800–1995’, in Mary Fulbrook (ed.), German History since 1800 (London: Arnold, 1997), pp. 477–92; E. Breisach, Historiography: Ancient, Medieval & Modern (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 228–67.
6 Berger, ‘The German Tradition of Historiography: 1800–1995’, p. 478.
7 Ibid. , p. 477; Baker, ‘National History in the Age of Michelet, Macaulay, and Bancroft