This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to
offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and
through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference
have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on
the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in
translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the
Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers
the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and
transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including
the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses
of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the
War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects
of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the
region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage
between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the
Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that
enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained
perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of
post-conflict international intervention developed.
This book offers a unique and timely reading of the early Frankfurt School in response to the recent 'affective turn' within the arts and humanities. It revisits some of the founding tenets of critical theory in the context of the establishment of the Institute for Social Research in the early twentieth century. The book focuses on the work of Walter Benjamin, whose varied engagements with the subject of melancholia prove to be far more mobile and complex than traditional accounts. It also looks at how an affective politics underpins critical theory's engagement with the world of objects, exploring the affective politics of hope. Situating the affective turn and the new materialisms within a wider context of the 'post-critical', it explains how critical theory, in its originary form, is primarily associated with the work of the Frankfurt School. The book presents an analysis of Theodor Adorno's form of social critique and 'conscious unhappiness', that is, a wilful rejection of any privatized or individualized notion of happiness in favour of a militant and political discontent. A note on the timely reconstruction of early critical theory's own engagements with the object world via aesthetics and mimesis follows. The post-Cold War triumphalism of many on the right, accompanied by claims of the 'end of history', created a sense of fearlessness, righteousness, and unfettered optimism. The book notes how political realism has become the dominant paradigm, banishing utopian impulses and diminishing political hopes to the most myopic of visions.
Tito and some Non-Aligned travellers had imagined Yugoslav–African brotherhood – while participation in European/transatlantic security and border projects would create new opportunities for identification with whiteness and the West. Perceiving the postcoloniality of postsocialism requires appreciating this contradiction.
‘New’ postsocialist racisms and the Yugoslav wars
Societies across central and eastern Europe, not just the Yugoslav region, witnessed an ‘increasingly visible ethno-nationalism’ – in revivals of narratives
in Second World War historiography about how far Fascism and Nazism influenced the NDH (Kallis 2015 ); they still laid foundations that would transform again as the Yugoslav region negotiated the geopolitics of the Cold War.
Venetian formations of race
In October 2015, the Croatian football club HNK Rijeka, nicknamed ‘Bijeli’ (‘Whites’) for their all-white home strip, wore an unusual fourth kit against nearby Opatija: a purple shirt half-covered by a black-skinned, turbaned head, with prominent red lips and gold-rimmed eyes
migrations caused by decades of Habsburg–Ottoman, Venetian–Ottoman and sometimes Habsburg–Venetian war (with land- and sea-based raiding and banditry between wars) decisively affected long-term inter-ethnic relations. To the extent that Serb–Croat relations defined the region's twentieth-century political history (Djokić 2007 ), the most significant was the depopulation of the Dalmatian hinterland and central Bosnia and their repopulation through alternating integration into Habsburg and Ottoman frontier governance structures. In 1522, the Habsburg Empire first
overlapped with the end of state socialism and the Yugoslav wars, this asymmetric relationship led to a decisive theoretical conjunction when scholars brought up in the region but working in the USA applied postcolonial theory to explaining postsocialism (Bakić-Hayden and Hayden 1992 ; Todorova 1994, 1997
; Bakić-Hayden 1995 ). Postcolonial thought is still closer to the centre of south-east European studies than many other fields.
An image from another discipline which (after the Yugoslav wars) shares many topics with south
life and mind of a character as rendered through his relationship
with drinking, yet we are also presented with a cipher rather than an
existing individual,10 with Firmin’s many agonies a replication of the
final death throes of Civilisation, poised as it is to commence the Second
World War.11 As Lowry wrote in a preface to the novel: ‘On one level,
the drunkenness of the Consul may be regarded as symbolising the universal drunkenness of war, of the period that precedes war, no matter
when. Throughout the twelve chapters, the destiny of my hero can be
to 2016 defined by its factual, evidence-based, truthful nature? Is it not
the case that, for better or for worse, the political has always been suffused
with affect, persuasion, rhetoric, and sentiment? If one need resort to the
confection of a new ‘post-truth’ era in order to explain recent events –events
whose implications and effects are genuinely perturbing –this indicates a
rather limited understanding of political history. It betokens the dominant form
of centrist liberalism that has accompanied most post-war capitalist economies –at least for as
Corsica in 1764 and Poland in 1770.
In 1764 he was invited by Mathieu Buttafuoco (a former French soldier
and Corsican nobleman) to draw up a constitution for Corsica. This request
came against the backdrop of considerable tensions and civil war on the
island. In 1735 the Corsicans had revolted against their masters, Genoa.
Although Genoese rule was restored in 1748, the revolt resumed in 1752
under the popular leader Pasquale Paoli (for whom Buttafuoco worked)
and was temporarily successful. The prospect of independence – and
Rousseau’s testified support for the
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
Introduction: what does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
The Yugoslav region – or so one would infer from most works about the territories and identities that used to be part of Yugoslavia – apparently has nothing to do with race, and race apparently has nothing to do with the Yugoslav region. The region has ethnicity , and has religion ; indeed, according to many texts on the Yugoslav wars, has them in surfeit. Like south-east Europe and Europe's ex-state socialist societies in general, the Yugoslav region has legacies of nation