Coming just five years after the ravages of the Second World War, the Korean war was a deeply unsettling moment in post-war British history. This book is a study of Britain's diplomatic, military and security policy during the Korean War as seen from the perspective of the British Government. It explores the social and cultural impact of the Korean War (1950-53) on Britain. From allegations about American use of 'germ' warfare to anxiety over Communist use of 'brainwashing' and treachery at home, the Korean War precipitated a series of short-lived panics in 1950s Britain. The book charts the war's changing position in British popular imagination and asks how it became known as the 'Forgotten War'. The study presented argues that the British did have influence over American decision-making during the Korean War. Whereas the existing United Nations resolutions would permit 'swirling' across the 38th parallel operations of a politico-military nature would require further United Nations consideration. The British did not have a veto over American strategy in Korea - but under the Truman administration they came pretty close to one with respect to the widening of the war into China. The Attlee-Truman talks, in December 1950, secured for the British the watershed agreement of the right to be consulted on the use of the atomic bomb. The book also talks about General Douglas MacArthur, the 1951 Chinese capture of Seoul by communists, and the concept of a British 'Manchurian Candidate'-type figure indoctrinated by the Chinese in Korea.
Developed through a series of encounters with a Bosnian Serb soldier Stojan Sokolović, this book is a meditation on the possibilities and limitations of responding to the extreme violence of the Bosnian war. It explores the ethics of confronting the war criminal and investigates the possibility of responsibility not just to victims of war and war crimes, but also to the perpetrators of violence. The book explains how Stojan Sokolović attenuated the author to the fact that he was responsible, to everyone, all the time, and for everything. It exposes the complexity of the categories of good and evil. Silence is also the herald of violence, or its co-conspirator. The author and Stojan Sokolović were trapped in violence, discursive and material, and discursive that leads to material, and material that emanates from and leads back to discursive. Two years after beginning his research into identity and the politics of conflict in Bosnia and Kosovo, the author got the opportunity to visit the region presented itself. According to the vast majority of the literature of the 1990s on Bosnia, it was clear that the biggest problem with nationalist violence and intolerance was to be found in Republika Srpska. The book is the author's discourse on a variety of experiences, including those of ethics, politics, disasters, technologies, fieldwork, adventure tourism, and dilemmas.
The long war
The long war
n October 1951 the Conservatives returned to power: Winston Churchill
was, once more Prime Minister and Anthony Eden his Foreign Secretary.
One of the many issues – and potential divisions with the Americans –
remained Korea. In mid-November, Churchill’s concern was expressed to
Eden: ‘No one here knows what is going on in Korea or which side is benefiting in strength from the bombing and grimaces at Panmunjom. We must
try to penetrate the American mind and purpose. We may find this out
when we are at Washington. Nobody knows it
This book analyses the MH17 catastrophe as a prism that refracts the broader historical context in which it occurred, arraying its distinct strands and their interrelations in a rare moment of clarity. It argues that in the new Cold War with Putin's Russia, the West operates from a perspective inspired by the mentality of extreme risk-taking that stems from the dominant role of finance in contemporary capitalism. The book also argues that the dividing lines established by the enlargement of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic in 1922 and the addition of Crimea to it in 1954, remained operational after independence. The armed seizure of power on 22 February 2014 occurred on the back of the demonstrations and put state power in the hands of Ukrainian ultra-nationalists and actual fascists. Based on the unpublished government and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) documents, the book offers an analysis of global political economy and contemporary debates about Russia and East-West relations. It reviews the results of the official investigations into the MH17 disaster, which Ukraine delegated to the Netherlands. Both were profoundly compromised by granting the coup government in Kiev a veto over any outcomes, a novelty in the history of aviation disaster investigation that was considered shameful even in Ukraine. The book investigates how the coup regime, encouraged by its backers in Washington and Brussels, responded to the anti-Maidan movement among Russian-Ukrainians with extreme violence.
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South
Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper
Introduction 1 On 15 December 2013, only two and a half years after the Republic of South Sudan had
become an independent state, the long-simmering tensions between President Salva
Kiir and his former vice-president, Riek Machar, erupted into armed clashes in the
capital, Juba. War soon broke out. This article seeks to document and analyse
violence affecting the provision of healthcare by Médecins Sans
Frontières (MSF) and its intended beneficiaries in the early stage of the
Background to war crimes 1
While the origins of the laws of war stretch back centuries, 2 the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were the first to see multilateral conventions on the law of armed conflict, 3 and the twentieth century was the first to see significant prosecutions for breaches of this law. 4 Following the prosecution of a small number of Germans after the First World War by the Supreme Court of the Reich in Leipzig, 5 the aftermath of the Second World War saw the prosecution by the Allies of
This book provides a critical analysis of the definitions of war crimes and crimes against humanity as construed in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Each crime is discussed from its origins in treaty or customary international law, through developments as a result of the jurisprudence of modern ad hoc or internationalised tribunals, to modifications introduced by the Rome Statute and the Elements of Crimes. The influence of human rights law upon the definition of crimes is discussed, as is the possible impact of State reservations on the underlying treaties that form the basis for the conduct covered by the offences in the Rome Statute. Examples are also given from recent conflicts to aid a ‘real-life’ discussion of the type of conduct over which the International Criminal Court may take jurisdiction.
The global gamble of a new Cold War
Malaysian Airlines Flight MH17 was brought down amid a new Cold War between the
Atlantic bloc and Russia, and greatly exacerbated it. So understanding the tragedy also
requires us to contextualise it in this wider confrontation pitting the liberal West against
a loose contender bloc composed of several relatively disjointed parts. These include
the Russian-inspired Eurasian Union and at a further remove, the BRICS (Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa, together comprising half the world’s population) and the
The civil war and the MH17 disaster
The February 2014 regime change in Kiev placed state power in the hands of Ukrainian
ultra-nationalists and anti-Russian billionaires intent on removing the country from the
post-Soviet orbit and reorienting it to the West. ‘The profound civic impetus for dignity
and good governance at the heart of the Maidan revolution’, writes Richard Sakwa, ‘was
hijacked by the radicals who followed the monist path to its logical conclusion while
allowing oligarch power to be reconstituted’.1 The country’s inevitable break-up was
been recognised as far back as the Lieber Code. 10 However, during the Second World War the practice of ‘carpet bombing’, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians, brought this proscription into question. 11 The modern prohibition against attacks upon civilians is contained within Article 51(2) of AP I and states, in language similar to that of Article 8(2)(b)(i), that ‘[t]he civilian population as such, as well as individual civilians, shall not be the object of attack’. 12 AP I defines ‘civilians’ negatively, by excluding those defined as