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Abstract only
Joseph Webster

Orange, or indeed Protestant, culture. Just as my Orange informants defined themselves as Protestant unionist loyalists via (very) frequent negative references to Catholic nationalist republicans, similar apophatic processes are observable across much of the ethnographic record. Ayala Fader, for example, documents how Hasidic Jewish women in Brooklyn define themselves and their families in oppositional (and openly racist) terms to their ‘goyim’ or Gentile neighbours ( 2009 : 160). In the same way, Maryon McDonald (1989) examines negative identity through language

in The religion of Orange politics
Joseph Webster

and men’ ( Miller 1977 : 142), including ‘nearly a hundred Catholic officers’ (ibid.: 143) who were not subjected to the Test Act. A year later, in 1686, James initiated a violent suppression of Scottish Presbyterian Covenanters whom he suspected of harbouring political as well as religious dissent – a period which came to be known as the ‘Killing Time’ ( Cowan 1968 : 50). In this same year, the King’s Secretary of State advised ‘a purge of office-holders in order to fill the court, the administration and the armed forces with … Catholic allies’ (ibid.: 151), a move

in The religion of Orange politics
Abstract only
Joseph Webster

…’ explained the councillor, almost apologetically. Yet it was not until later that evening that I came to fully realise the relevance of the ‘other persuasion’ comment, when it was explained to me that the SNP councillor, who had been pointedly ignored for most of the meeting, was both a Protestant and a Rangers season ticket holder. The reality, then, was that Glencruix Orangemen were choosing to support two Catholic Labour candidates over an SNP candidate with whom they (ostensibly) shared far more in ethno-religious terms. Importantly, this was not a quirk of the

in The religion of Orange politics
Abstract only
Orangeism, Protestantism, anthropology
Joseph Webster

explained, and they sat for long periods without buying drinks, earning the hall a meagre income. Worse still, he said, two Roman Catholic women had recently started coming along; while the pensioners merely used the hall as a venue, and were thus technically nothing to do with the Orange Order – he found their presence galling. Waiting for him to finish, I stood in the smaller front bar where local Orangemen congregated to drink, and looked at the now familiar Orange iconography covering the walls – King Billy on his horse, Rangers Football Club at Ibrox, official images

in The religion of Orange politics
Rodney Barker

moments in the Second World War. A similar fluidity in the significance of clothing occurs in religious identity. In medieval and Catholic Europe, simple dress was part of the identity of monks, friars, and nuns, and if there was colour, it was often black or brown. The Protestant reaction in and after the European Reformation distanced itself from what it saw as the excesses of the Catholic church by adopting its own version of the very visual signs of Catholic monasticism: simple clothes, absence of colour, preference for black

in Cultivating political and public identity
Bryan Fanning

of religious social capital. Gort’s Brazilian community consisted of Pentecostals, Mormons and Catholics. The Pentecostal congregation, Assembléia de Deus, set up a church in the area and was responsible for the annual summer carnival; it catered for ‘approximately 150 attendees on any given night’. The Brazilian Catholic community was ministered to by a Limerick-based priest who had worked for twenty years in Brazil; he said mass in Portuguese every Sunday in the local Catholic church. Both supplied spiritual, emotional and concrete support to their members. The

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland
The next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–1951
John Shepherd

10 ‘We never trained our children to be socialists’: the next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–19511 John Shepherd The Christian socialist, pacifist, feminist, anti-imperialist and republican, George Lansbury MP – at the helm of the Labour Party from 1932 to 1935 – was imprisoned twice for his political beliefs.2 He recalled that in 1913 at least six children from his large family were in prison or in danger of going to jail for their political activities during the struggle for ‘votes for women’.3 The eldest, Annie and William, served one and two

in Labour and working-class lives
A comparison
Dick Geary

Irish nationalists had some success, as did the Conservatives in certain areas of north-west England populated by (often Catholic) ‘working-class Tories’. Although various social organisations did become more class specific in their membership and a former mix of classes disappeared after 1870, as in the case of the Volunteers’ Associations in Edinburgh, working-class and middle-class club and society members continued to participate in one and the same religious and church activities in many parts of Britain.16 What struck on-looking German contemporaries who lived

in Labour and working-class lives
Bryan Fanning

6 Education and segregation What varieties of men and women now prevail in this society and in this period? And what varieties are coming to prevail? In what ways are they selected and formed, liberated and oppressed, made sensitive and blunted? (C. Wright Mills)1 In a widely reported speech in April 2008, Archbishop Diarmuid Martin, patron of the Catholic schools which comprise well over 90 percent of Dublin’s ­educational system, criticised Catholics who withdrew their children from schools with immigrant pupils: ‘I hear of parents – even those who might fit

in Immigration and social cohesion in the Republic of Ireland
Marisa McGlinchey

Protestant and Catholic recruits. Simultaneously, the report’s recommendations increased the number of women in the PSNI through the implementation of a gender quota. The increased number of Catholic recruits transformed the nature of the organisation into a more ‘localised’ force in relation to the Catholic community. One of the report’s recommendations stated that ‘police stations built from now on should have, so far as possible, the appearance of ordinary buildings’. 7 The altered police force (and even the deliberate use of the word ‘service’ rather than ‘force’) was

in Unfinished business