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A Focus on Community Engagement

( Olivier de Sardan, 2005 ): chiefs, women, elders and youths seen as legitimate actors, able to both represent and influence the ‘community’ – that is, to be intermediaries of community engagement between the intervention and local populations. This article shows how both the legitimacy of these actors embodying the response and eventually the intervention itself was contested and negotiated through localised encounters. 1 We present three ethnographic cases based on first-hand, epidemic-related field observations of community engagement and local resistance. The authors

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

context, the Agency’s services are seen as a lifeline for the refugees’ ( UNGA WG, 2016 ). 5 To examine the implications of UNRWA’s operational shifts in such a context, I build upon my long-standing ethnographic research in and about the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon and insights from an ongoing research project examining how the members of nine local communities – including Palestinian refugee communities – in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey have been responding to the arrival and presence of refugees from Syria. 6 As part of this project

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.

Open Access (free)
Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link

the intentions, incoherence, purpose and mismanagement of statebuilding. Accounting for resistance thus requires historicising the everyday, even if focusing on present everyday activities. A focus on practices does not automatically mean doing ethnography even if there has been a close relationship between the two in the liberal peace debates. Richmond openly calls his work ethnographic, further claiming that this approach is amenable to an active-research that has an emancipatory aim in mind (2011a: 129). This ethnography has to be used to study the ‘practices

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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country’s diversity. The Vietnamese were keen to undo these colonial ethnographies with their all-too-apposite connotations of looming splits, and redraw the map of Vietnam on their own terms. As Christopher Goscha ( 1995 ) carefully documents, this was no easy matter. The Vietnamese Communist Party itself, after all, was originally called the Indochinese Communist Party, and was initially unsure whether to pursue the goal of a

in Soldered states
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has a positive part to play in engaging powerful geopolitical orthodoxies, and as such deserves consideration not condescension. Jones makes this case through a series of interviews and auto-ethnographic encounters with 9/11 truthers. She finds that conspiracy discourse is intensely personal: it gives voice to deep anxieties; it gives a sense of purpose; it produces both

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
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Telling autoethnographic stories

speaking about Father rather than about the Palestinian survivors of the ethnic cleansing of Haifa make me as guilty as Katz, who, according to Samera Esmeir (2007), argued that the contradictory, recursive testimonies of the survivors of the Tantura massacre constituted a ‘failure’ of memory? Should I have concentrated on reading the testimonies of Palestinian survivors of the fall of Haifa instead? Or would doing this perpetuate their victimhood? There are many dilemmas involved in representing my father through my ‘ethnographic I’ (Ellis 2004). Like Ellis, I was

in Co-memory and melancholia
A view from below

subverted. The difficulty of gathering intent and linking with the debates about motivation was the core of the critiques of Scott that were made within anthropology studies in the 1980s. Ortner, a primary representative of these critiques, argues that resistance studies are limited because they lack ethnographic ‘stance’ – a commitment to grasp the ‘thickness’ and ‘depth’ of complex relations (1995: 174). According to Ortner, ‘[r]esistance studies are thin because they are ethnographically thin: thin on the internal politics of dominated groups, thin on the cultural

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

, more ‘covert’ or ‘unwitting’ strategies of resistance that may be better discernible through participant observation, immersed ethnographies or similar research methods (Hollander and Einwohner 2004 ). It may, in other words, be that it is partly our methodology that leads to uncovering forms of resistance which emphasise mainstream engagement over, say, more radical

in Anti-terrorism, citizenship and security
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Living in the shadow

think about the Road to Damascus – the moment of realisation, and about the attended melancholia that I write about in this book. It takes me a few hours after reaching Nitza’s to relax and slide into our familiar, friendly political world, and for the ominous feelings to subside. I am gradually back in the Jerusalem of my youth and my estrangement gives way to the here and the now, as if I had never been away. In the spirit of auto-ethnography (Ellis 2004) this book is interspersed with the personal narrative of my 2008 journey. I don’t mask my impressions in

in Co-memory and melancholia