Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
We present three ethnographic cases based on first-hand, epidemic-related field
observations of community engagement and local resistance. The authors were involved
in diverse ways in Sierra Leone (Luisa Enria), Liberia (Almudena Mari Saez 2 ) and Guinea
(Frédéric Le Marcis and Sylvain Landry B. Faye) and as part of the
global response coordination (Sharon Abramowitz). These case studies, directly
observed by the authors, present three community engagement encounters
principles of the user-centred design that would contribute to removing
these barriers, she relies on ethnographic research. From the accounts given by
participants from different demographic characteristics, she develops user personas. The
information gathered allowed her to prototype four resource-kit units around telephones
(both landlines and mobile phones) as part of a training programme for resettled
refugees. The proposed user-centred design training programme is three-pronged: it takes
context, the Agency’s services are
seen as a lifeline for the refugees’ ( UNGA WG,
2016 ). 5 To examine the implications of UNRWA’s operational shifts in such a context, I build
upon my long-standing ethnographic research in and about the Palestinian refugee camps in
Lebanon and insights from an ongoing research project examining how the members of nine local
communities – including Palestinian refugee communities – in Lebanon, Jordan and
Turkey have been responding to the arrival and presence of refugees from Syria. 6 As part of this project
Hasty, J. (2006): ‘Performing power, composing culture: the state press in Ghana’, Ethnography 7(1): 69–98.
Hawk, B. (1992): Africa’s Media Image (New York: Praeger).
International Crisis Group (2008): ‘Kenya in crisis’, Africa Report No. 137.
Keane, F. (2004): ‘Trapped in a time warped narrative’, Neiman Reports 58(3).
Keane, F. (2008): ‘Kenya’s poor at each other’s throats’, BBC Online News.
Kliesch, R. E. (1991): ‘The US
, that is, in the spiritual hinterlands.
Erna Brodber ( 1997 : 98) calls
this mode of reclaiming – re-recognizing – your collective self as
‘the hegemony of the spirit’. And she terms the methodology for such
retrieval as ‘celestial ethnography’ (Brodber 1997 : 61). A cartographic practice too, no doubt. Brodber
expounds this methodology in the novel, Louisiana , which she
to be visited are the basic currency of exchange that
orients the researcher and often predetermines what or whom the
researcher will investigate.
The similarity between fieldwork and tourism is perhaps most significant in the case of ‘independent’ or ‘adventure’ tourists. It is worthwhile
to remember that anthropology as a scholarly discipline emerged from
adventure tourism. In Public Places, Private Journeys, Ellen Strain undertakes a genealogy of tourism and ethnography to demonstrate how modern
travellers engage in elitist activities that are very similar to
A post-colonial reassessment of cultural sensitivity in conflict governance
Kristoffer Lidén and Elida K. U. Jacobsen
social and cultural anthropology. Hence, we might look to this discipline for insights on the potential and limits of such representation.
Anthropology combines ethnography, the collection of ‘cultural data’,
with theoretical analysis.13 The former aspect involves an internal
(‘emic’) perspective of the societies that are studied, as reflected in what
their members say, think and do. The latter, external (‘etic’) perspective
is what the observer makes of these ideas and practices, interpreting
them through general theoretical perspectives, for instance on the
country’s diversity. The Vietnamese were keen to undo these
colonial ethnographies with their all-too-apposite connotations of looming
splits, and redraw the map of Vietnam on their own terms. As Christopher
Goscha ( 1995 ) carefully
documents, this was no easy matter. The Vietnamese Communist Party itself,
after all, was originally called the Indochinese Communist Party, and was
initially unsure whether to pursue the goal of a
and lived encounters in a hostile environment) that functioned as a
vehicle of cultural continuity’.18
In Gómez-Peña’s work, the rasquache aesthetic is characterised by
his use of recycling, the prominence of the US–Mexico border, his use
of reverse ethnography, and strategies of defamiliarisation, like drag.
According to Robert Neustadt, Ybarra-Frausto specifically notes that
Gómez-Peña manipulates ‘rasquache artifacts, codes, and sensibilities from both sides of the border’, emphasising the ‘cultural particularities of the Chicano/a lived
From early colonial ethnography to charity advertising, Africa has been perceived as a suffering and distant ‘other’ with imperial campaign traditions reducing the depiction of a continent to famine, corruption and sensationalised violence, collectively framing viewers and the viewed as ‘us’ and ‘them’. Ethiopia in particular came to embody this view as in 1984–5 it was thrust under the pitying eyes of the world by the Live Aid campaign. A resulting backlash against these flat and disempowering images saw many in Ethiopia – particularly