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Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

, touting their objects as mass-produced, portable units to be shipped and deployed anywhere in the world. In this mixture of engineering, industrial design and entrepreneurship, innovation is very much the driving force, with its concern for profitability and universality. Innovation, however, is not the same as architecture. One might point out that certain generations of architectural modernism fall into the same trap of mechanistic and homogenised mass solutions, yet this

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

–machine interface ( Halpern, 2014 ). Now a defining feature of late-modernity, this exclusion shaped early computer programming. Politically, it found a reflection in the counter-cultural anticipation of artificial intelligence as a means of undermining the professional hierarchies of modernism. Computers would, it was argued, allow the design capabilities and expertise of professionals to be transferred to the popular masses ( Turner, 2006 ). In the mid 1970s, the architect Nicholas Negroponte 11 sought to eliminate professional privilege by facilitating public

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Ayla Göl

, Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernising the Middle East, London, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1958. 5 Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of Nations and Nationalism, London, Routledge, 1998, p. 44. 6 Otto Dann, ‘Modernity and the Project of the Modern Nation’, in Johannes U. Müller and Bo Stråth, eds, Nationalism and Modernity, EUI Working Paper HEC No. 99/1, Florence, European University Institute, 1999, p. 24. 7 Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity, London, Harvard University

in Turkey facing east
Screening war in Kosovo and Chechnya
Cerwyn Moore

shaped by air-power and list-based targeting. However in the years immediately after the Gulf War, US strategy – which assumed, by 1992, an increasingly humanitarian and interventionist bent – was called into question in Somalia, while brutal conflicts erupted in the heart of Europe, in Bosnia, in Rwanda in Africa, in post-Soviet space in Georgia, in Nagornyy-Karabakh, in Tajikistan and latterly in Chechnya. The argument in this chapter – and for that matter this book as a whole – is that the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union did not simply

in Contemporary violence
Abstract only
Carla Konta

American experiment. Under such circumstances, democracy, free enterprise, the Judeo-Christian tradition, and patriotism gained new meanings of ideals worth fighting for, as Wendy Wall explores. 15 The cultural Cold War launched them globally, but USIA knew Yugoslavia was a different case from other Eastern European countries. Yugoslav communism was imposed by an internal, not an external, force, which gave Tito great political legitimation and provided his regime with a highly effective weapon in combating internal subversion and neutralizing overt opposition. The

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Philosophy, politics and foreign policy in America’s ‘second modernity’
Vibeke Schou Tjalve and Michael C. Williams

, throwing into stark relief (and often violent challenge) their ability to found, integrate, legitimate and govern themselves.3 In the eyes of some observers, however, the American polity demonstrated an exceptional ability to avoid the collapse of liberalism witnessed in European states throughout the 1930s and 1940s. As Ira Katznelson has influentially characterised the situation, for political analysts across the analytic and ideological spectrum, the collapse of Europe’s pluralist democracies was compounded by the realisation that ‘just across the Atlantic, the United

in American foreign policy
Abstract only
Andrew Williams

clear influence on Woodrow Wilson’s deliberations. Equally, we cannot entirely neglect the NWO thinking of the Nazis (Hitler’s Neueordnung) or that of Third World thinkers (in the New International Economic Order of the 1970s, for example). Thus the book aims to look at least at some of these tendencies in parallel with the NWO ideas of the ‘West’. Second, it might be argued, ‘where does that leave those who are MUP/Williams/Intro 4 23/10/98, 11:22 am 5 Introduction excluded?’ – many by geographical location, the sin of not being American or West European, or

in Failed imagination?
Population movements during Greece’s ‘decade of war’, 1912–22
Emilia Salvanou

process.8 But who was considered ‘the other’ in such a fluid context?9 In the Balkans the emergence of a national discourse is to be understood as part of a transnational process that was unfolding at the intersecting of the communities with the diaspora. Communities established by Christian merchants outside the Ottoman Empire, around the Mediterranean, in the Russian Empire and in western Europe (such as, in the case of the Greek community, Vienna, Paris, Trieste, Odessa, London, Antwerp, Amsterdam, Marseille, Port-Mahon, Cairo and Alexandria to v 286 v Population

in Europe on the move
Ayla Göl

making of a modern state in Turkey. Specifically, to understand the causes and consequences of the unique rapprochement between Turkish nationalists and the Russian Bolsheviks, after the collapse of the Ottoman and Russian empires, requires engagement beyond the mono-­causal explanation of their common struggle against Western imperialism. A new interdisciplinary theoretical framework is necessary in order to explain the complexity of state transformation and foreign policy-­making when understanding a Muslim country’s engagement with European modernity. After pointing

in Turkey facing east
Jeremi Suri

of liberal democracy and regional stability from the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The brutality of ISIS symbolised a deeper evil: extreme anti-​modernism and anti-​ secularism fused with anti-​Americanism. In the seminal foreign policy speech of his second term, delivered at the US Military Academy on 28 May 2014, President Obama rejected ‘realist’ suggestions that American foreign policy should focus on core material interests and abandon its broader, more problematic ideological agenda. ‘I believe’, the President explained, ‘that a world of greater

in American foreign policy