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The end of the transatlantic era? In the eyes of political commentators the Atlantic Community is crumbling. With the election of a US president who, it appears, no longer feels committed to international cooperation – including the role of the United States in NATO – certain assumptions about transatlantic relationships are being called into question. In Europe, too, populist nationalism(s) further fracture(s) the union. Great Britain, in particular, is struggling to reposition itself along European, Atlantic, and

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered

different kind of political community unconnected to the European history and culture that the Pilgrim Fathers escaped from – expresses the collective belief that Americans are a special people (see Hughes 2003). Officials have tapped into this national myth by suggesting that the suffering caused by the attacks is unique and special; America is an exceptional kind of victim. One of the purposes of

in Writing the war on terrorism

structure is perhaps unsurprising since the wider context for post-war liberalism was always communism and fascism, which had swept across Europe and East Asia. 70 Fear of populist ideologies that had uprooted societies abroad amplified the concern with populism on the fringe of American liberal democracy. This dimension is drawn to the fore when

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
Norwegian experiences of death and security

violence. Two days after the attack rocked his country, Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg addressed the memorial service in Oslo Cathedral with promises that Norway would never surrender its social-democratic values and that the answer to terror is more democracy, not less. Norway refused to follow the path of the United States or European nations towards extensive counterterrorism policies that damage civil liberty

in Death and security
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Calculating compassion in war

for the relief of war-time suffering. In theatres of war in nineteenth-century Europe – France, the Balkans – and in Britain’s wars of empire – the Sudan, South Africa – enterprising men and women opened soup kitchens, carried stretchers, nursed the wounded and delivered food and clothing to the destitute. These years saw the now ubiquitous Red Cross emblem first make its appearance on the battlefield

in Calculating compassion
Gendered legacies and feminist futures in the Asia-Pacific

utility of a project which has not always respected diversity and the plurality of knowledge. Critics suggest that ‘indelibly tainted by association with the meta-narratives of modernity,’ the historical experience of emancipation is one that ‘has become complicit in the suffering engendered by the practices and pathologies of modernism (broadly defined)’ ( Wyn Jones, 2005

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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Development Theory: The Contemporary Debate (London: Taylor & Francis, 2005); B. Hindess, ‘The Past is Another Culture’, International Political Sociology , 1:4 (2007), pp. 325–338; and T. A. McCarthy, ‘From Modernism to Messianism: Liberal Developmentalism and American Exceptionalism’, Constellations , 14:1 (2007), pp. 3

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy

Egypt. 10 The incentives extended were of definite interest to CARE which was actively searching for new horizons in Asia and the Middle East now that European recovery had been successfully addressed. CARE had only recently acquired a very good reputation within certain government circles for its engagement in a Christmas package program called Operation Reindeer, which had been initiated by President

in The NGO CARE and food aid From America, 1945–80

make references to Crusaders and Mongols but rather to a string of ‘broken promises’ dating back to World War I, when European powers divided up the Ottoman Empire to suit their own interests. They planted Israel in the midst of the Middle East, so the analysis goes, in order to drive a wedge between Arab states, and the United States

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
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called upon Buddhist missionaries to go out into towns and villages to campaign against Christianity. Modernism revolutionised attitudes to suffering, poverty, nirvana and the like. Whereas traditional Buddhism represented ‘suffering’ as ‘cosmic suffering’, ‘modernists’ borrowed ideas from Marx, Nietzsche and European Christian Socialists to transform it into ‘social suffering’. Similarly the ‘modernist’ politician Thakin Kodaw Hmain assured Buddhists that if they fought for independence from British rule they could gain

in Conflict, politics and proselytism