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carved in anthropomorphic form with thirty small anthropomorphic figures on the surface of its body, from Rurutu, an island in French Polynesia.3 I located the exhibition and spent time reading the accompanying literature, which suggested that this image of an ancient Polynesian religion was presented by a group of people from Rurutu to representatives of the London Missionary Society as a symbol of their conversion to Christianity (which probably accounts for the penis having been chopped off). I learned about the conflicting versions of the kind of wood that was used

in Curatopia
James Breasted’s early scientific network

to the formation of the professional discipline than published scholarship and institutional organization. This chapter focuses on James Breasted’s early professional network, specifically the two nodes that he cultivated on his first trip to Egypt: the British field archaeologist Flinders Petrie and the French Director of the Department of Antiquities in Egypt, Gaston Maspero. These personal and professional networks then expanded from the institutional hubs into the broader scientific discipline of Egyptology. In scientific networks, nodes are the people around

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
The permeable clusters of Hanna Rydh

circle. The theme of the present discussion is Hanna’s encounter with some social and professional networks of the 1920s, namely a national and transnational circle promoting women’s emancipation, a specific research milieu in the French archaeological national museum at SaintGermaine-en-Laye near Paris, and the scholarly cluster of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm. The main result of her stay in Paris was a book about Palaeolithic cave art, favourably received by Swedish readers (Rydh, 1926a). A few years later she wrote two articles about ceramics

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
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hinder our understanding. To adopt Michael Schiffer’s (1976, 11–12) terminology, they are the natural formation processes which need to be understood so that we are able to connect the archaeological record with past human activities. For example, Zemour (2011, 258–259) discusses whether Early Neolithic burials of south-western France were deliberately buried in a flexed position and on their sides. She concludes that possible taphonomic changes in some bodies and the nature of the cave space they are buried in makes it impossible to identify any such cultural choice

in Neolithic cave burials

– as essentially conservative. In French, it is unambiguous: conservateur. Museums were collections of valuable things, and the job of the curator was to keep them safe, carefully displayed for public edification, or preserved in storage for research p ­ urposes. I always felt uncomfortable in museum basements: all those undisplayed objects, silenced drums, powerful presences wrapped in plastic. The sheer, historical injustice of massive collections held in Western capitals while few old examples of African, Torres Straits or Alaskan art and culture could be seen in

in Curatopia
Pluralism and the politics of change in Canada’s national museums

-century Liberal governments as was the mid-nineteenth-century decision to situate Canada’s capital on the border between Ontario and Quebec. Although the Anglo-French tensions that dominated Canada’s first century of confederation have not disappeared, the latter half of the twentieth century was marked by the challenge to enlarge a bicultural French/English construct of Canadian identity to accommodate powerful movements of Indigenous decolonisation and global immigration. Even as the new buildings were rising from the ground, the curatorial processes that determine the

in Curatopia

burial may have ceased, this does not mean that a monument and the skeletons within it stopped being significant to people. There were clearly different Neolithic rites at different times and places, all of which could produce a collective, disarticulated burial deposit. There have also been fashions in the interpretation of these deposits, with secondary burial or successive inhumation in favour at different times. It is noticeable that authors who reconstruct burials as successive inhumations have tended to draw more upon the osteological and taphonomic literature to

in Neolithic cave burials
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violent) treatment and confinement of patients at the public London asylum, Bethlem (Andrews et al. 1997 : 276). His approach was highly influential, as it suggested that the mad could be cured, in a sense, by kind and patient treatment. This is the kind of language employed by successive writers on asylum reform. Two individuals heavily associated with the practical application of this moral approach to asylum reform were York-based asylum owner William Tuke and the French physician Philippe Pinel. Both men ran institutions: the Retreat and Bîcètre, respectively

in An archaeology of lunacy

8 Baroque modernity, critique and Indigenous epistemologies in museum representations of the Andes and Amazonia Anthony Alan Shelton The Andes and Amazonia have long undergone profound mythologisation in European and American literature, art, and, more recently, in widely circulated and proliferative museum exhibitions. This chapter sets out to identify and describe five specific genres and characteristics of exhibitions from 1980 to the present, and, by focusing on two uniquely important examples, The Potosí Principle (2010–2011) and Amazonie: Le chamane et la

in Curatopia
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the insane as espoused by French asylum reformer Phillippe Pinel and defined by his student, Jean-Étienne Esquirol (Kelly 2008b : 20; Tucker 2007 : 118). Moral management in practice was the treatment of the mind in a logical and calm manner, encouraging patients to develop self-control with the assistance and support of a doctor and a wider institutional framework (Yanni 2007 : 24), with minimal use of physical restraint. In the British Isles, the principles of moral management were championed by men like Samuel Tuke, the manager of a

in An archaeology of lunacy