initial decisions. I relied on the EISF (European Interagency Security Forum)
network to set up the crisis-management trainings for all the heads of mission.
We held several crisis-management trainings in the Sahel, Turkey, Thailand and
Kenya. Most MdM heads of mission completed the training between 2013 and
2015. Task Four: Simplifying the Security Tools The EISF network and the humanitarian security literature it curates also helped
building upon existing literature on humanitarian campaigns and critiques of neoliberal
approaches to refugee situations. With regards to the latter, it is important to start by
acknowledging that humanitarian agencies around the world are facing cumulative funding
reductions and a concomitant drive to diversify their donors. Simultaneously, donors and
agencies alike are promoting greater degrees of ‘localisation’ – supporting
the roles played by regional, national and local actors in affected regions – and
‘self-reliance’ amongst refugee
France has been a central actor in human protection, yet the existing literature has too often focused on Anglo-Saxon states or states that are wary of its development. In order to address this gap, this book provides an original and much-needed account of France’s relationship to human protection since the 1980s. It analyses a ‘tale of two norms’ using an innovative theoretical framework: The first is ‘France’s domestic norm of human protection’, and the second is the dominant international principle or norm of human protection at the time (chiefly humanitarian intervention in the 1990s and the responsibility to protect (R2P) in the 2000s). Through this ‘tale of two norms’, and also thanks to interviews with key actors such as Gareth Evans and Bernard Kouchner and analysis of fourteen case studies, the book reshapes our understanding of the development and influence of key principles and norms of human protection. It also corrects prevailing assumptions about France’s foreign policy and allows us to anticipate its future foreign policy more accurately. Last but not least, by showing how important it is to pay more attention to the interplay between domestic and international norms and building an innovative framework that can be used beyond the analysis of France and human protection, the book makes a key contribution to the literature on norms and International Relations theory more generally. The book is therefore an essential read for anyone interested in human protection, peace studies, France, foreign policy analysis, International Relations and norm diffusion.
This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
emergence of a “Hollande doctrine” (Tisdall 2013 ). By associating France's will to protect with the French President at the time and underestimating the role it had played in human protection in the previous decades, these narratives considerably overlook the commitment to human protection that has informed French foreign policy since the end of the Cold War.
They also hint at a broader gap in the existing literature: when it comes to human protection, the focus is too often on Anglo-Saxon states or states that are wary of its development (in
Making sense of the French response
The majority of the academic literature has argued that the French response to the genocide was not necessarily surprising, since the French supported several regimes – including dictatorial ones – in the region.
In light of the political, strategic, cultural and economic implications of France's relationship with francophone Africa (Cumming 1995 , 396; Renou 2002 , 6–8), France was indeed often believed to be turning a blind eye when it came to the nature of
First, France's conception of, and contribution to, human protection cannot be fully analysed without taking into account the international normative context. The section “Theorising the tale of two norms” below investigates the process by which international principles and norms can impact a state like France, but before this, it is important to discuss the extent of the impact these international principles and norms can have. Human rights norms provide a valuable example.
The rationalist literature sees norms
The Paris Peace Conference
and the Treaty of Versailles, 1919
An extensive literature exists on the ‘lessons of Versailles’ and particularly
on the ‘failure’ of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even
before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The first focus of this
chapter is an exploration of the process of disillusionment as it comes out in
the documentary record. The key areas that have been identified by contemporaries and historians alike are the mismatch between the security- and
seventy years is that other countries – notably the US – have served as international military powers. While the US, Great Britain and France took on the tasks of fighting global communism, Germany was free to concentrate on its own domestic parochial interests in a stable liberal international order. 3
However, after the end of the Cold War and the re-unification of Germany in 1990, Germany’s partners’ expectations about the country’s engagement in global politics changed. Many foreign policy analysts began to ask whether the new German foreign policy was becoming