initial decisions. I relied on the EISF (European Interagency Security Forum)
network to set up the crisis-management trainings for all the heads of mission.
We held several crisis-management trainings in the Sahel, Turkey, Thailand and
Kenya. Most MdM heads of mission completed the training between 2013 and
2015. Task Four: Simplifying the Security Tools The EISF network and the humanitarian security literature it curates also helped
building upon existing literature on humanitarian campaigns and critiques of neoliberal
approaches to refugee situations. With regards to the latter, it is important to start by
acknowledging that humanitarian agencies around the world are facing cumulative funding
reductions and a concomitant drive to diversify their donors. Simultaneously, donors and
agencies alike are promoting greater degrees of ‘localisation’ – supporting
the roles played by regional, national and local actors in affected regions – and
‘self-reliance’ amongst refugee
This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
Refugee communities and the state in France, 1914–18
in the Austro-Hungarian Empire see Alexander Watson,
Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War (London: Allen Lane,
2014), pp. 198–206.
73 In France, there were 1.85 million refugees, of whom 1.5 million were French,
in a pre-war population of 39.6 million. In Russia 6 million of approximately
120 million people were displaced. On the size of Russia’s refugee population
see Gatrell, Whole Empire Walking, p. 3.
74 The literature on post-war reconstruction is under-developed. The main work
is Hugh Clout, After the Ruins: Restoring the Countryside of
actors in foreign policy? Is the realist idea that states ultimately seek to
preserve their national independence in foreign policy still relevant to
international relations in Europe?
The precise implication that the CFSP has for national foreign
policy is a matter of contention in the academic literature. Yet, few
analysts would probably disagree with the observation that it has
The role of news and online blogs in constructing political personas
Julia Gallagher and V. Y. Mudimbe
( Moncrieff, 2012 ).
In an attempt to stay in power despite electoral defeat, the LMP accused international news media of partiality towards the newly elected president Ouattara of the coalition Rassemblement des houphouétistes pour la démocratie et la paix (RHDP), and as part of a plot by the international community, led by the former colonial power France, to install Ouattara as a puppet. Websites and blogs linked to the LMP proliferated, interpreting the Ivoirian post-electoral crisis in an anti-colonialist idiom and portraying Gbagbo as the last
The Paris Peace Conference
and the Treaty of Versailles, 1919
An extensive literature exists on the ‘lessons of Versailles’ and particularly
on the ‘failure’ of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even
before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The first focus of this
chapter is an exploration of the process of disillusionment as it comes out in
the documentary record. The key areas that have been identified by contemporaries and historians alike are the mismatch between the security- and
Twentieth Century (London: Allen Lane, 1997); Lucien Wolf, Russo-Jewish
Refugees in Eastern Europe (London: Joint Foreign Committee, 1923).
57 Homer Folks suggested that American towns might ‘adopt’ a village or town
in France, Serbia, Poland or Armenia. Folks, The Human Costs of War, p. 255.
58 From an extensive literature, see in particular Jennifer Hyndman, Managing
Displacement: Refugees and the Politics of Humanitarianism (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 2000).
59 Michelle Tusan, Smyrna’s Ashes: Humanitarianism, Genocide, and the Birth of
seventy years is that other countries – notably the US – have served as international military powers. While the US, Great Britain and France took on the tasks of fighting global communism, Germany was free to concentrate on its own domestic parochial interests in a stable liberal international order. 3
However, after the end of the Cold War and the re-unification of Germany in 1990, Germany’s partners’ expectations about the country’s engagement in global politics changed. Many foreign policy analysts began to ask whether the new German foreign policy was becoming