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the domestic level, what are (if any) the implications of this study for another key aspect of the literature on ‘Europeanisation’, namely institutional convergence (Knill 2001)? The aforementioned analysis of the similarities of the cases of Greece and France (where the problems that were expected and were subsequently identified have also been, to a large extent, resolved) may give the impression of a gradual institutional convergence stemming from the exigencies of the implementation of the directives examined here. Such an impression would be misleading for

in The power of the centre
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Prisoners of the past

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.

The impact of Paris Université Club’s US tours and the individual in sports diplomacy

rejuvenated France buoyed by its newfound youth and vigour, free of empire, and a leader for those seeking an alternative path to Washington and Moscow’s Cold War clout. Just as French power was conveyed through its world-renowned leadership in the arts, literature, gastronomy and cinema, sport was another domain that could be deployed to the ROFE___9781526131058_Print.indd 132 11/06/2018 09:15 The impact of Paris Université Club’s US tours 133 republic’s advantage. Thanks to a new era of communications, namely the growth of television and the first satellite

in Sport and diplomacy

6 Political institutions, public and elite opinions in Wales and Brittany The choice of Wales and Brittany as objects of analysis provided two historic regions with complex but strong identities, functioning regional political institutions and past traditions of demanding more regional autonomy. These regions are exceptional within France and the UK. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5 introduced the reader to Wales and Brittany, their respective state contexts, party systems and experience of devolved political institutions. Thus far, a mostly inductive, qualitative

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation

denounced the illusions of intellectuals in relatively traditional terms, reproaching them for taking their world as the world and for trying to represent something they are not - the people. In May 1968, he backed the students, which led to a break in his relations with the sociologist Raymond Aron. Until the 1980s, Bourdieu continuously criticised French intellectuals such as Bernard-Henri Lévy and Philippe Sollers for their habit of getting involved in matters that did not belong to their realm of expertise - literature. During the presidential elections of 1981, he

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union

trade unions in the first decade of the Eurozone (1999–2010); and, second, the response of trade unions and social-democratic parties to austerity measures in the periphery of the Eurozone (2010–15). The cases of four countries – Germany, Spain, France and Poland – are examined. In the first process, national bargaining practices led to divergent economic outcomes. In Germany, an archetypal core member of the Eurozone, agreements were concluded which safeguarded competitiveness vis-à-vis other member states; this contributed to significant trade imbalances and the

in European labour movements in crisis

relationships, as a counterweight to an excessive concentration on formal political institutions such as parliaments (Heclo and Wildavsky, 1974; Richardson and Jordan, 1979). The use of community implies regular personal relationships and shared values. The classic policy community literature was focused upon vertically organised policy sectors, rather than horizontal territorial communities (Marsh and Rhodes, 1992; Le Galès and Thatcher, 1995). Past research into local and regional policy communities in France and the United Kingdom has emphasised the importance of building

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
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. This begs the question: what can national governments do to resolve this problem? Are there any tools that may be used 2 The power of the centre in that respect? Furthermore, during the same period (early 1990s) the EU’s implementation deficit was beginning to emerge as a key issue in the development of European integration. If the attitude of the government was a powerful explanatory factor of this systemic phenomenon, why did a country with an unquestionably defining input to European integration, such as France, contribute to the collective so

in The power of the centre