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ensued. Anger and discomfort when discussing the Allied bombing were more evident in those less able to explain why they were bombed. With information comes control – or at least a feeling of control, of agency – and the ability to deal better with disturbing memories. Notes 1 Halls, Youth of Vichy France, p. 168. 2 Brown, French Children’s Literature, p. 192; T. Crépin, ‘ “Il était une fois un maréchal de France…”: presse enfantine et bande dessinée sous le régime de Vichy’, Vingtième Siècle, 28 (1990), pp. 79–80. 3 Brown, French Children’s Literature, p. 161. 4

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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: L’Harmattan, 2001); P. Giolitto, Histoire de la jeunesse sous Vichy (Paris: Perrin, 1991); Lee, Pétain’s Jewish Children. 18 For example, N. Atkin, Church and Schools in Vichy France (London: Taylor and Francis, 1991); R. Handourtzel, Vichy et l’école, 1940–44 (Paris: Éditions Noesis, 1997); J. K. Proud, Children and Propaganda (Bristol and Portland, OR:  Intellect, 1995); P.  Brown, A Critical History of French Children’s Literature, Vol. II, 1830–Present (New York and Abingdon: Taylor and Francis, 2008). The volume J.-F. Condette (ed.), Les Écoles dans la guerre: acteurs et

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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Commemoration (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 29. 26 Winter and Sivan, War and Remembrance, p. 18. 27 Benjamin, ‘The storyteller’, p. 84. 28 S. Grayzel, ‘ “The souls of soldiers”: civilians under fire in First World War France’, The Journal of Modern History, 78.3 (2006), pp. 595–6. 29 Brown, French Children’s Literature, pp. 194–8. 30 J. Horne and A. Kramer, ‘War between soldiers and enemy civilians, 1914–1915’, in R. Chickering and S. Förster (eds.), Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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:  American Psychiatric Association, 2000). 43 J. Robinett, ‘The narrative shape of traumatic experience’, Literature and Medicine, 26.2 (2007), p. 293, citing DSM-IV, p. 424. 44 M. Steinberg, ‘Les dérives plurielles de la mémoire d’Auschwitz’, Centrale: périodique trimestriel de la vie communautaire juive, 260 (1993), pp. 11–14, quoted in P. Lagrou, ‘Victims of genocide and national memory: Belgium, France and the Netherlands, 1945–1965’, Past & Present, 154 (1997), p. 184; M. T. Brancaccio, ‘From “deportation pathology” to “traumatismes psychiques de guerre”: trauma and

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Towards a re-thinking of legal justice in transitional justice contexts

German or “droit” in French. 2 While I mostly speak here from my own experience with the theoretical and political discussions currently taking place in Colombia, I will be basing my comments on a more general description of transitional justice situations. The literature on this is extensive and I will not be referring specifically to any particular theoretical posture, since my interest in what follows is to draw exclusively from Menke’s own analysis. I am interested in pointing out the similarities between his genealogy of the violence of the law –​the stages that

in Law and violence
Reproducing liberal democracy

contextualising our argument within a surprisingly contemporary academic literature on political ritual; one that builds upon a much longer established body of sociological and anthropological work. From there, we offer our own heuristic through which to make sense of rituals, arguing that they: contribute to the orchestration of specific behaviours; are implicated in the constitution of reality; sediment their constructed realities via repetition over time; and, have a significant performative dimension. A third section then re-interprets these proscription debates via this

in Banning them, securing us?
Historical, geographical and political dynamics

socialism. To counter such threats, proscription offered a simple expedience. For example, in the midst of growing popular unrest, France’s colonial authorities banned the Étoile Nord-Africaine, Parti Communiste Algérien, Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), the Organisation Speciale in French Algeria and Le Ressemblement Democratique Africain in French West Africa. Likewise, to head off insurgency in its colonial territories, British authorities banned the Kikuyu Central Association and the Kenya Africa Union and many other organisations including in Rhodesia, India

in Banning them, securing us?
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European integration as a system of conflict resolution in the Franco-German relationship (1950–63)

and raise the empirical question of evaluating ‘what difference it makes whether Europe integrates’ (Scheingold 1970: 1002). Despite the lack of consensus in the literature, a comparative examination of the data suggests that public opinion in France and Germany during the 1950s and the 1960s experienced similar trends of rising approval for integration. Generational differences in the two countries

in The Europeanisation of conflict resolution
A child of the Kosovo crisis?

Europeans unravel’, The Economist (1 August 1992), 30. 19 There is an extensive literature on France-NATO relations during this period. See, inter alia , M. Blunden, ‘France after the Cold War: inching closer to the Alliance’, Defense Analysis , 9:3 (1993), 259–70; M. Meimeth, ‘France gets closer to NATO’, The World Today , 50

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)

Throughout the long nineteenth century and until 1939, ‘intervention’ (originally a French term) or ‘interference’ (the original British term) was ‘Protean’, covering an array of manifestations ‘from a speech in Parliament by Palmerston to the partition of Poland’. 1 Not only was the scope of intervention wide, but its meaning and consequences remained contentious. The Argentinean diplomat and jurist Carlos Calvo points out, in his

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century