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A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

I N THE CONTEXT of broadening the scope of international relations (IR) and of the related field of security studies in light of the changed international system after the end of the Cold War, Islam and Islamic movements have moved to the fore of this discipline. At the surface it looks as if the study of the ‘geopolitics of Islam and the West’ has taken the place

in Redefining security in the Middle East
A veiled threat
Thomas J. Butko

I N THE MIDDLE East, security is strongly influenced by politicized forms of fundamental belief systems. This chapter examines the dual role of political Islam, with specific focus on Palestine and the case of Hamas , the Islamic Resistance Movement, in the West Bank and Gaza. In this context, political Islam represents a general rejection of the Arab

in Redefining security in the Middle East

For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

Fabrice Weissman

the hostages with greater commercial and political value, mobilisation campaigns may serve to protect their lives and pressure those with the power to facilitate their release. British journalists have noted that the lack of information and public advocacy on behalf of aid workers David Haines and Allan Henning, who were abducted in Syria by the Islamic State (IS) in 2014, did not prevent their execution. On the contrary, the silence of their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

-trust-mass-media-sinks-new-low.aspx (accessed 9 June 2018) . Tabatabai , A. ( 2018 ), ‘ A Brief History of Iranian Fake News: How Disinformation Campaigns Shaped the Islamic Republic ’, Foreign Affairs , 24 August , (accessed September 28, 2018) . Tandoc , E. , Lim , Z. W. and Ling , R. ( 2018 ), ‘ Defining “Fake News” ’, Digital Journalism , 6 : 2 , 137 – 53 . Taylor , J. ( 2000 ), ‘ Problems in Photojournalism: Realism, the Nature of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

the Islamic Development Bank, and (now in place) an endowment fund proposed by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. In the context of the long-standing financial deficit, although UNRWA has continued to provide ‘relief and works’, the actual services provided have been reduced and the groups of Palestinian refugees entitled to receive UNRWA services have constantly shrunk over time. With a current total registered refugee population of over five million people in the Middle East, ‘UNRWA’s mandate extends to groups or categories of vulnerable

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
John F. Kerry

had recently returned from an extensive tour of the Middle East and South Asia, which had taken in both Iraq and Afghanistan. He focused upon two outstanding issues, each central to an understanding of security; namely, America’s relations with the Islamic world, so often the fount of mutual mistrust and misunderstanding, and the weapons of mass destruction which had threatened the future of humankind since their first appearance in 1945. What he had to say speaks for itself, an eloquent plea in the first instance for mutual tolerance and understanding between the

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Raymond Hinnebusch

–55). Historically, identification with the territorial state has been weak, with popular identify tending to focus on the sub-state unit – the city, the tribe, the religious sect – or on the larger Islamic umma (Weulersse 1946: 79–83). This is because states, the product of outside conquerors, imported slave-soldiers without local roots, or religio-tribal movements, typically disintegrated after a few generations and when a new wave of state-building came along the states’ boundaries were often radically different. Moreover, in an arid environment of trading cities and nomadic

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

tended to dominate the region on behalf of a relatively united ‘core’. The first of these hegemons, Great Britain, came near to imposing an imperial order in the Middle East (Brown 1984: 112–39). After the interval of bi-polarity, in which the Arab world attained considerable autonomy, the sole American hegemon has returned to its attempt to establish a Pax Americana in the region. The result, according to Barry Buzan (1991), is that the Islamic Middle East is the only classical civilisation that has not managed to re-establish itself as a significant world actor

in The international politics of the Middle East
Douglas Blum

far outweighs any meaningful civic alternative. Along with Armenia, at least judging from surface appearances, it may be possible to include Turkmenistan in this category. Certainly the official national identity is pronounced, including an ethnicised self-representation replete with various Turkic and Islamic cultural symbols and inventions.15 However, the Niyazov regime is so closed and so highly authoritarian that it is impossible to gauge accurately whether the apparent consensus over national identity is real, and anecdotal reports suggest it may not be. The

in Limiting institutions?