Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 13 items for :

  • Manchester History of Medicine x
Clear All

4 Quarantine in Ceuta and Malta in the travel writings of the late eighteenthcentury Moroccan ambassador Ibn Uthmân Al-Meknassî Malika Ezzahidi Introduction Interest in public health on the southern littoral of the Mediterranean Sea began to decline by the end of what is considered as the golden age of medieval Islamic medicine between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries. Before this occurred, hospitals (bîmâristâns) had played a central role in the treatment of the sick in major Islamic cities.1 In the case of Morocco, for example, Marrakech and Fez

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Hajj, cholera and Spanish–Moroccan regeneration, 1890–99

-day state of Mogador Island. quarantined. The leading role of international health bodies and foreign doctors in this process has led to the belief that this was solely a consequence of European imperialism. Thus, Michael C. Low has argued that the real or perceived political and sanitary risks Europeans attached to the Hajj merged in a pathologising narrative of ‘twin infection’ by PanIslamism and epidemics which stood behind Europe’s mounting intervention in Islamic countries in that period.5 Actually, we think this narrative was also appropriated by local Islamic

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
Abstract only
Mediterranean quarantine disclosed: space, identity and power

. The circum-Mediterranean geographical spread of this book illuminates the similarities, the differences and the overlapping of quarantine institutions and practices throughout the region, showing for instance how Christian and Islamic 4 Mediterranean quarantines, 1750–1914 populations perceived, and their governments dealt with, infectious disease from plague to yellow fever and cholera. This volume is, in sum, also interested in ‘joining the Anglosphere conversation’5 and thus engaging in the global English-speaking community, offering a range of terms, sources

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914
The sanitary control of Muslim pilgrims from the Balkans, 1830–1914

–78) Throughout the nineteenth century, male Muslims from the Balkans participated in the pilgrimages to the holy places of Islam on the Arabian Peninsula. Since the mid 1830s travellers from the Eastern Balkans – Bulgaria – could use steamships that were routinely plying the lower course of the Danube and the Black Sea in order to get to Constantinople. From this port, they could connect to international travel routes. With regard to pilgrims from the Central Balkans – Kosovo, Macedonia and Western Thrace – they would embark at the port of Salonika for Alexandria. Their fellow

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914

filtering process which selected those who could proceed on their pilgrimage according to their socioeconomic status. This was based on the logic that wealthy pilgrims would be better equipped to travel in ‘hygienic conditions’ and to thus avoid contracting and transmitting disease. Still, selectivity according to one’s wealth or social status went against Islamic teaching, which advocated opportunities for every ‘able bodied Muslim’, poor or wealthy, to accomplish the Hajj once in a lifetime.125 The option thus left for the poor, who did not possess the officially

in Mediterranean Quarantines, 1750–1914

was a situation again not unlike the experience of the Afro-​Surinamese. Stigmatization, avoidance, and abhorrence were primarily directed at beggars and vagrants with leprosy.41 There is some evidence of a cultural exchange of views on the relationship between food and leprosy between the Afro-​Surinamese and the British Indians. One British Indian leprosy sufferer remembered the advice of family, friends, and family doctors to avoid spicy food as well as fish, duck, and chicken butchered from the market.42 Another British Indian sufferer who had converted to Islam

in Leprosy and colonialism
Memories of practice on the periphery

into the perspectives of patients that add weight to the views expressed by doctors. In the words of Muhammad Noorul Islam Talukdar, who worked in what he described as the ‘sleepy hollow’ of Bacup, a working-​ class town in Lancashire: There was a lot of deprivation but people were kind to their doctor. Even in rough parts of town, there were no problems walking around in middle of night. It possibly made the bond stronger.38 Edal Banatvala was also based in a working-​class area. He came to Britain in 1929 and became a GP in the East End of London, in Leyton where

in Migrant architects of the NHS
Doctors’ organisations and activist medics

by the Salford GP S.  A. A.  Gilani who by then was a trainer in general practice.101 More generally, the ODA provided South Asian GPs with access to a parallel and informal system of professional development, which brought general practitioners into contact with other doctors who had migrated from the Indian subcontinent. Muhammad Noorul Islam Talukdar, a GP in Bacup in the north of England recalls that this filled a gap in provision by providing training in a form that South Asian doctors were comfortable with: There was not a clear idea … about progression, of

in Migrant architects of the NHS
The moron as a diseased entity

.H. Haller, Eugenic: Hereditarian Attitudes in American Thought (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1963), p. 120. 62 Rafter, White Trash, p. 17. 63 Kite, ‘The “Pineys”’, p. 10. 64 Fernald, ‘Care of the feeble-­minded’, p. 388. 65 Stoddard, The Revolt against Civilization, p. 233. 66 Sanville, ‘Social legislation in the Keystone State’, p. 667. 67 N. Deutsch, Inventing America’s ‘Worst’ Family: Eugenics, Islam, and the Fall and Rise of the Tribe of Ishmael (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2009), pp. 50–1. 68 C.H. Robinson, ‘Toward curbing

in Framing the moron
The moron as an immoral sinner and an object of protection

best humans to breed.149 Like many eugenicists in both the United States and Germany, Nietzschie believed that a new religious tradition would put human breeding in the foreground as a primary human virtue.150 Notes 1 Sections of this chapter were previously published in G.V O’Brien and A. Molinari, ‘Religious metaphors as a justification for eugenic control: An historical analysis’, in D. Schumm and M. Stoltzfus (eds.), Disability in Judaism, Christianity and Islam: Sacred Texts, Historical Traditions and Social Analysis (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp

in Framing the moron