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ultra-​nationalist legacy with which post-​1991 Ukrainian nation-​building became conflated, setting its face against its real diversity. The forces associated with this legacy would re-​emerge when they hijacked the Maidan protest movement and seized power in Kiev in February 2014. Until that time, political processes held Ukrainian nationalism and Russian-​Ukrainian federalism in balance. Second, we turn to the capitalist oligarchy that appropriated post-​ communist Ukraine’s wealth by privatising old Soviet centres of power. Under the patronage of President Leonid

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War

(the judiciary, the media, political opposition, the international community, global communications, big business) which may work against such a process. There are key events too, most notably the parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for 2007 and 2008 respectively, which will open up political debate and promote political intrigue, even if in a limited or controlled fashion. This opening chapter places developments in contemporary Russia within the empirical and analytical contexts of the post-Soviet period. There is an apparent duality about both of

in Securitising Russia
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A civilian airliner in the firing line

finance in contemporary capitalism. In fact, the post-​Soviet space became a testing ground for predatory finance and for the uncompromising authoritarianism that we also see emerging in the West. The financial crisis of 2008 coincided with the first test of strength with Russia, when the Bush Jr. administration encouraged Georgia to try and recapture its breakaway province of South Ossetia by force. The European Union was simultaneously trying to commit former Soviet republics to an Eastern Partnership and EU Association, a barely disguised extension of the Euro

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War

M1218 - THOMPSON TXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7.3 10/3/08 13:10 Page 144 4 Crises and non-crises: financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War By 1973, the class of democracies was smaller than during the first two decades after the Second World War. Whilst communist rule was entrenched in the Soviet Union, eastern Europe, China, North Korea, North Vietnam and Cuba, in most post-colonial states, both those created after 1945 and those dating back to the nineteenth century, democracy had collapsed, leaving only Colombia and Venezuela in Latin America, Botswana in

in Might, right, prosperity and consent

9 4 The civil war and the MH17 disaster The February 2014 regime change in Kiev placed state power in the hands of Ukrainian ultra-​nationalists and anti-​Russian billionaires intent on removing the country from the post-​Soviet orbit and reorienting it to the West. ‘The profound civic impetus for dignity and good governance at the heart of the Maidan revolution’, writes Richard Sakwa, ‘was hijacked by the radicals who followed the monist path to its logical conclusion while allowing oligarch power to be reconstituted’.1 The country’s inevitable break-​up was

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War

This book offers a brief review of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations from 1947 to 2014. It examines international politics at the United Nations from 1988 to 1991 when the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) dissolved. The book offers new explanations for the dwindling support for UN peacekeeping operations from late 1993 to 1995. It examines the diplomatic discussions at the Security Council, the General Assembly and the UN Secretariat on the objectives and principles of success of the operations from January 1992 to mid-1993. It is accepted by researchers and even the UN Secretariat that peacekeeping operations can be divided into two separate time periods: from 1947-88, or the Cold War era, and from 1988 to the present, the post-Cold War era. The book further explains what occurred in the UN during 1995 that called for a re-examination of the new concept and practice of peacekeeping in civil wars. It shows how the international community succeeded in providing only part of the requirements for the many operations, and especially for the large multidimensional operations in Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia and Somalia. Finally, the book emphasises the importance of regional organisations with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security.

Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Mustafa Kemal and Enver Pasha was suggested to the Foreign Office.1 At that time, the Bolsheviks also had a similar attitude towards the two leaders. When the nationalists decided to implement the military offensive against Armenia, they knew that Enver Pasha was planning to return to Moscow. In his letter to Karabekir on 14 December 1920, Enver applauded the Turkish success against the Armenians. He suggested that if Armenia were put under Soviet control, it would be better for the nationalist movement to, have co-­operation with the Bolsheviks rather than the British

in Turkey facing east
Europeanisation and language borders

of Ukraine and one used and understood by the majority of the remaining 70 per cent, is officially categorised as ‘foreign’. Far from being a unique instance of language management, this announcement should be considered in the much wider context of the implementation of new language laws and reform of the educational systems in the post-Soviet countries. Fourteen new independent countries emerged from the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, previously united by the same language, common educational space and political system often referred to as

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
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The international system and the Middle East

showed, however, that it could upset the seeming satisfaction of the superpowers with the post-1967 status quo. The first episode in this effort, Nasser’s 1969 War of Attrition against Israeli forces occupying Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, aimed to force the superpowers to intervene. Nasser hoped the USSR could be brought to provide greater support by the tacit threat that Egypt would otherwise be defeated in the confrontation with Israel, thus destroying the Soviet’s credibility as an ally. He also sought to demonstrate to the Americans the dangers

in The international politics of the Middle East