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A Focus on Community Engagement

Introduction During the 2014 West African Ebola epidemic, an estimated US$ 10 billion was spent to contain the disease in the region and globally. The response brought together multilateral agencies, bilateral partnerships, private enterprises and foundations, local governments and communities. Social mobilisation efforts were pivotal components of the response architecture ( Gillespie et al. , 2016 ; Laverack and Manoncourt, 2015 ; Oxfam International, 2015 ). They relied on grassroots community actors, classic figures of humanitarian work or development

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

Allegations: How the Scandal Unfolded ’, www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43112200 (accessed 9 September 2018 ). BBC ( 2018b ), ‘ DR Congo to Shun Its Own Donor Conference in Geneva ’, www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-43523808 (accessed 9 September 2018 ). Bell , D. ( 2014 ), ‘ What Is Liberalism? ’, Political Theory , 42 : 6 , 682 – 715 . Bradol , J.-H. ( 2004 ), ‘ The Sacrificial International Order and Humanitarian Action ’, in Weissman , F. (ed.), In the Shadow of ‘Just Wars’: Violence

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly restricted ( BOND, 2003 ). At

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

protection’ and ‘staff security’ – and each designates a distinct set of policies and practices. Starting from the perspective that the reasons for such a distinction are not self-evident, the current article seeks to draw attention to the differences between staff-security and civilian-protection strategies, and to stimulate a conversation about the extent to which the differences are justified. The aim is not to argue for or against particular strategies for the safety of aid workers or the wider civilian population, or even to argue that the distinction between these

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

Risk Management ( London : Hurst and Co ). Powell , C. ( 2001 ), ‘Remarks to the National Foreign Policy Conference for Leaders of Nongovernmental Organizations’ , 26 October , US Department of State , Washington, DC , https://avalon.law.yale.edu/sept11/powell_brief31.asp (accessed 17 July 2019) . Roberts , A. ( 2010 ), ‘Lives and Statistics: Are 90% of War Victims Civilians?’ , Survival , 52 : 3 , 115 – 36 , https://weblearn.ox.ac.uk/access/content/user/1044/Survival_Jun-Jul_2010_-_AR_on_lives___statistics_-_non-printable.pdf (accessed 27 June 2019

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

]nless additional resources are secured, further reductions will be a challenge’ ( UNRWA, 2018b : 10). Importantly in this circular, UNRWA ‘clarified’ its announcements through asserting that the programmes and services that were being suspended in March 2018 had in fact been funded through external donations as ‘additional’ measures, and that these services in fact do not ‘essentially fall within UNRWA health policy mandate’. In the case of ‘normal deliveries’, this service had been funded through additional support provided from the Qatari Red Crescent

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
War economies, peace economies and transformation

for some warring parties to wage campaigns of violence and human rights abuses. (Government of Canada, 2009) DIAMONDS in Africa, drug cartels in Latin America and the participation of warlords in Afghanistan’s illicit opium trade have heightened both public and academic awareness of the problem of war economies – systems in which economic incentives either motivate actors to instigate and participate in political violence or which facilitate ongoing conflict by providing a means of financing violent struggle. Policy statements such as the one presented above, along

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry

them serves to strengthen the resolve for implementing liberal reforms. What is relevant at this point in the discussion is that the resulting control mechanisms are politically and economically motivated, as such techniques constitute a way of safeguarding the interests of western nations and powerful elites. There are many examples of policies that could be classified as belonging to an agenda of control. The two most obvious examples in the case of war economy transformation are direct military intervention, such as UK intervention in Sierra Leone, and the

in Building a peace economy?

backbencher James Lester (Conservative, Broxtowe), who suggested that the only viable response was for the Government to support the OAU in reaching a negotiated settlement.15 Hurd agreed: as one of his predecessors had suggested in the House back in 1964, as the FCO had suggested in the memorandum to the First Secretary in Kampala in 1990 and as Edward Clay had suggested in his February 1994 reports, Rwanda was a problem for Africans, not the UK. Following this brief exchange, MPs would not have the opportunity to question Hurd in person again for another month. In this

in The ignorant bystander?
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.