Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
A case study of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World
international relations and politics.6
As a developing country that sits on the semi-periphery of international relations,
South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup (FWC) provided an ideal
opportunity to explore the potential for MSE studies to offer insight into contemporary international relations and the policy tools available to states at different stages
South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA Football World Cup 71
of development. The findings presented in this chapter provide discussion points
The limits of the EU’s external dimension of migration in Africa
Tine Van Criekinge
countries has become a crucial part
of the external dimension of the EU’s migration policy, or rather the
integration of migration policy with traditional foreign policy domains
such as development, trade and security, and the establishment of cooperation mechanisms between receiving and sending countries. Both the
EU and African side recognise that through a coherent and coordinated
policy of ‘joint migration management’, migration can be beneficial
for both sides.1 The EU’s intensification of migration dialogue with
migrant-sending countries is evidence to the changing
The EU’s Africapolicy between the US and
China: interests, altruism and cooperation
Gorm Rye Olsen
Africa’s international position has changed significantly since the
beginning of the twenty-first century. This has very much to do with the
rise of China as a global power but it also has to do with the strongly
increased American interest in Africa. For some, these changes have
challenged the prominent position that Europe has had on the continent for decades. The official rhetoric of the Chinese government is
that the Chinese–African relationship is not a
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
lower probability of being employed, compared with white UK-born individuals, and while the disadvantage decreased over time for white immigrants it persisted among non-white immigrants. 5 A 2003 study of labour market performance of immigrants in the UK found that individuals of minority ethnic groups, particularly those from Asian, Caribbean and African communities, were significantly less likely to be employed than the white native-born population in the UK, as were white individuals from former Eastern Bloc European countries. 6 An analysis of data on employees
co.uk/pa/PAGO2011/ index.html (accessed 30 June 2012).
Shah, A. (2010) ‘The Democratic Republic of Congo’, Global Issues, available
at www.globalissues.org/article/87/the-democratic-republic-of-congo (accessed
30 June 2012).
Tarradellas, F. (2008) ‘EU, Africa Unveil “Ambitious” Energy Partnership’,
EurActive.com, 9 September.
United Nations Development Programme (2011) Human Development Report
2011, New York: UNDP.
Wolde-Rufael, Y. (2005) ‘Energy Demand and Economic Growth: The African
Experience’, Journal of Policy Modeling, 27: 891–903.
Youngs, R. (2009
as national policies, although they are often designed to be reinforced
through common or shared EU policies/instruments. Two EU member
states, the UK and France, stand out since they have the most comprehensive approach to Africa in all three policy areas covered in this
chapter. Some member states, such as Sweden and Denmark, are deeply
engaged in development cooperation but much less involved in trade
and security matters (Söderbaum and Stålgren, 2010a).
Many scholars agree that the EU is a strong and recognised economic
actor. Formally speaking, the
Economic Partnership Agreements and
Africa: losing friends and failing to influence
Both the Euro-Africa Summit of December 2007 in Lisbon and its successor in Tripoli of November 2010 illustrate Europe’s difficulty in
marrying its rhetorical goal of a strategic partnership with Africa and its
trade policy towards the continent. The lofty aims of the Lisbon Summit
were lost in a bad tempered row over Economic Partnership Agreements
(EPAs), given that it took place one month before what the EU billed
as the ‘ultimate deadline’ for interim
left South Africa for the UK (via Botswana) in 1976, they eventually
came into contact with the Militant Tendency (still within the Labour Party
at that time), through dialogue with its leader, the South African Trotskyist,
Ted Grant. In London, both Ensor and Petersen continued to work for
SACTU, with Ensor working as personal assistant to John Gaetsewe, the
SACTU General Secretary, and Petersen becoming editor of SACTU’s Londonproduced newspaper Workers’ Unity.
In 1979 Petersen issued a memorandum to the National Executive