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The state as actor

of the British state as regards the immigrant community and the state’s approaches towards engaging with minority communities. The policies, their successes and failures, have changed the social landscape of Britain and the role of migrant communities, including the British-Bangladeshis. It is my contention that recent policy initiatives to emphasize faith as a marker of community and the defining feature of identity have facilitated the rise of Islamists within the Bangladeshi community. The familiar history of race relations in the UK takes 1948, particularly the

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis

bespoke ceremonies tied to the specific religious and/or constitutional arrangements of each specific realm. These complexities are further explored through an in-depth case study of Canada, the second most populous realm of the monarch where there is a large Roman Catholic category of the population and a small Anglican component and where a secular multiculturalism, which has been rejected in UK state doctrine in 2012, has become, in the preceding four decades, the dominant ethos of state policy and public life. There then follows a discussion of the appropriateness

in Monarchy, religion and the state
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and identity politics’, Government and Opposition, 39:4 (2004), 614–31. 20 Bhikhu Parekh, ‘We’re all British, but we speak in different accents’, Inde­­­ pendent (11 June 2004): www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/ bhikhu-parekh-were-all-british-but-we-speak-in-different-accents-731756. html (accessed 11 March 2010). 21 Ahmed Ansar Ullah, ‘UK policy towards Bangladesh – homefront. Conference on the rise of political Islam in Bangladesh: what’s at stake in the 2007 elections?’, organized by the Policy Exchange, Hudson Institute, New Statesman and the

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis

coronation of George VI considerations of religion interacted with those of political sovereignty among the members of the British Commonwealth to require a further adjustment of the religious element of the oath. George VI was being crowned monarch of the individual independent dominions of the Irish Free State, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, as well as of the UK, the Empire of India and the colonies and dependencies. Following the Statute of Westminster of 1931, agreed with the dominions, the UK assented that the then self-governing dominions were

in Monarchy, religion and the state

He has also said that he would not comment further on the matter during the reign of his mother (Monarchy 2011c). However, Wolffe (2010: 67) reports that in a TV interview in 1994, he stated that he would prefer the title ‘Defender of the Divine’. The Prince makes clear that he is a committed Anglican and that he wishes to encourage interfaith dialogue and understanding. There is nothing to stop him doing this, although whether it is advisable is another question, and it is very much the policy of the monarchy and, by implication, that of previous and current UK

in Monarchy, religion and the state

documented in discussions of the African-American population. Khattab et al. have concluded that, ‘in relation to the occupational returns to education, living in ethnically-segregated residential areas tends to have a negative impact upon the employment prospects and occupational returns to education among Bangladeshis in the UK’.95 These factors have impacted upon the social fabric of the Bangladeshis, their worldview and their political activism. Furthermore, these features, particularly the spatial aspect, have a serious bearing on the self-perception of Bangladeshis

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
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. At the empirical level, the use of the term to identify all Bangladeshis living in the UK irrespective of their immigration status can be questioned. While all of them are people of Bangladeshi heritage, many have yet to embrace British citizenship. Yet I have used it in its most expansive meaning: their physical location in Britain. The question of how to label the ‘immigrant’ Asian community has never been resolved. Popular discourse and public policy documents have referred to it in various ways. For people of Bangladeshi heritage, the census documents have

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis

the twenty-first century, the shrinking of the welfare state combined with the “war on terrorism” has effected a change in both official and popular attitudes towards minorities that threatens to eradicate the hard-won gains of the last three decades. Hybridity, in late-twentieth-century Europe, had worked well with the policies of “multiculturalism”, which acted as (safe) discourses about race. For example, in Britain, multiculturalism (as state policy)1 and hybridity (as identity) had become part of the state’s apparatus in “dealing with” its minorities. This also

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
The backlash against multiculturalism

struggles over parity rights in education. Even before the struggles in schools in the 1970s, many first-­generation immigrants had fought labour battles for better pay and working conditions under the rubric of black unity. But by the 1980s this unity had fractured, first into Asian and African-Caribbean groups, and then into national and religious groups. Both policy and popular perceptions distinguished between ethnicities, but increasingly through the late 1990s and the early twenty-first century, the language of difference became one of group identities and religious

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
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Migrants into minorities

://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Migration_and_ migrant_population_statistics. 2 Some of the data on numbers of minorities are necessarily approximate because legally they are citizens and are not counted separately. While the ONS in Britain counts ethnicity and ethnic groups separately from “white”, the French census has always had a policy of race-blind categories, separating them on the basis of citizenship and place of birth rather than race or ethnicity. 3 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/7991936.stm. In this incident all 12 Muslim men who were arrested were eventually released, prompting calls of racism and

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France