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the agenda through the pushing of its policies, as well as through the diversion of the actions of rival policy entrepreneurs, such as the UK government. EU institutions in the external dimension of the asylum policy: a place for the Commission as a supranational policy entrepreneur? As explained in the previous chapter, the European Commission

in European internal security

political considerations in the business of defence planning. However, such a mechanism, were it to be introduced, would involve complications. Firstly how would it avoid the tag of unaccountability that has dogged the HSE? Moreover the experience of the UK is to be considered. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) is both a department of state handling policy issues and the Supreme Headquarters of the Armed Forces

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
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Securing Europe in the twenty-first century

long as either France or the UK – the two EU states with the force projection capabilities necessary for any extra-European intervention – participate. Finally, the technology of summation is relevant to understanding the EU’s relative success in executing the policies of assurance and prevention: individual member state contributions to those policies are compulsory and subject to the gross national

in EU security governance
Preempting disorder along the periphery

monitoring of implementation of peace or ceasefire agreements: Liberia, Ivory Coast, Sudan, Indonesia/Aceh, Sri Lanka; confidence-building measures: Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Horn of Africa; civil society development: Bolivia, Indonesia, Afghanistan; emergency electoral support: Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, Chechnya; high level policy advice: Afghanistan, Macedonia, Iraq, Lebanon; demobilisation and reintegration of

in EU security governance

In the imperial sphere, the Labour government pursued a policy of ‘conservatism decked out to appear … progressive’. 2 Retreat from the Indian subcontinent led to renewed attempts to preserve British influence throughout the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa as ministers and officials attempted to redevelop the Empire along new lines. While numerous studies have focused on colonial development and

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51

help defend Japanese security interests in East Asia. 6 While bilateral defence relations with countries such as the UK and France have been expanded over the last two years (for details see following sections), it is accurate to conclude that the EU as a hard security policy actor with a role and influence in Asian hard security issues continues to have secondary importance in Tokyo’s security policymaking circles ( Pejsova, 2015 ); that is, unless Brussels – against the background of Chinese territorial expansionism in the South China Sea – decides to follow up on

in Japan's new security partnerships

Introduction The EU’s enlargement from fifteen to twenty-five members brings both risks and opportunities for the EU’s most challenging policy initiative, the ESDP. It crystallises the fundamental questions at its heart. What policy priorities and common interests shape ESDP? What capabilities does ESDP possess and what does it still need? What sort of leadership will be

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
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Excerpts from key UK speeches and documents before the war in Iraq

caused by two dangerous and ruthless men—Saddam Hussein and Slobodan Milosevic. Both have been prepared to wage vicious campaigns against sections of their own community. As a result of these destructive policies both have brought calamity on their own peoples. Instead of enjoying its oil wealth Iraq has been reduced to poverty, with political life stultified through fear. Milosevic took over a

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
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promise of future EU membership – how can we expect it to have an impact further afield, in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, North Africa or the Middle East? If EU member states cannot formulate a common position and act in unison in Bosnia, how can we expect the EU to present a common front regarding other complex international issues? Policy failures such as the Libya crisis in 2011 are a constant

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia

Godechot in their essay ‘Le Problème de L’Atlantique’ presented to the International History Congress in 1955. I was shocked to find that their effort at conceptualization was ridiculed by the historians present at the Congress as pretentious, too ‘philosophical’, a mere response to Soviet policy, too vague and ‘arbitrary’. But in fact the notion behind it was sound and important. Their essay suggested the concept of the Atlantic World as a coherent whole, with its own history involving intersecting aspects of Spanish, British, African, Dutch, French, Portuguese, and

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered