A genealogical study of terrorism and counter-terrorism discourses
counter-terrorism initiatives are indispensable. These include military-oriented counter-terrorism initiatives in the Middle East and North Africa region, the wider utilisation of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), public surveillance targeting certain minority groups (such as Muslim youths) and policies based on the UK’s CONTEST with the possibility of eroding human rights, individual liberty and freedom of speech and expression.
This chapter provides a genealogical and discursive analysis of the current radicalisation and (violent) extremism discourse. It
Extremism and the ‘politics of mutual envy’ in Nigeria?
), especially from a very Westerncentric perspective. An entangled reading of the evolution of the concept within both contexts may help to shed light on how postcolonial mimicry has plagued African states in their security practice, and how a more critical engagement with Western concepts can serve to advance knowledge ( Barnard-Wills and Moore, 2010 ).
Mayors’ attempts to Prevent (UK), Forestall (Nigeria) and possibly ‘reverse’ radicalisation
Two main policies exemplify attempts by the British and Nigerian governments to combat terrorism through improvised untraditional
are laden with latent racism ( Goldberg, 2009 ; Kapoor, 2013 ).
Security and citizenship
Counter-terrorism policies impact differentially the security and citizenship of the population. First, ‘security’ is implicitly presumed to be that of the dominant (white) population, so insecurities experienced by suspect communities are only a concern insofar as they might drive ‘radicalisation’. Jarvis and Lister (2013) found that white participants in the UK viewed anti-terrorism measures as distanced from their everyday lives, whereas participants from ethnic
Commonwealth countries. Indeed, as we argue in Chapter 2 , the United Nations appears to have held up the UK’s membership offences as a best-practice model of anti-terrorism law-making in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. It is unsurprising, therefore – to take one example – that a 2001 amendment to Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 saw a direct emulation of the UK’s proscription provisions set out in the TA 2000. This is a language, moreover, that has been mirrored in English-speaking countries across parts of Asia and Africa, and yet the logics that inspired the UK
in the UK during the war (see Van der Bijl 2017 , 29–30). The KCA had been formed to organise resistance to land appropriations by settlers, and was proscribed by colonial authorities in 1940 (Grob-Fitzgibbon 2015 , 194). Kenyatta, who would go on to become Kenya’s first post-independence leader, took over the leadership of the Kenya Africa Union (KAU) in 1947. The group’s agitation against the precepts of colonial rule earned Kenyatta and the KAU’s senior officials close attention from colonial authorities.
Violent resistance against British rule broke out in
A local critique of international donors' discourses
://procurement-notices.undp.org/view_file.cfm?doc_id=148283 (accessed 14 February 2020).
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime , 2018 . Counter-Terrorism Module 2 Key Issues: Preventing & Countering Violent Extremism . Available at www.unodc.org Available at www.unodc.org/e4j/en/terrorism/module-2/key-issues/index.html (accessed 14 February 2020).
Wallace , T. , 1997 . ‘New development agendas: Changes in UK NGO policies and procedures’, Review of African Political Economy , 24 , 35–55 .
Wallace , T. , Bornstein , L. and Chapman , J. , 2007 . The Aid Chain: Coercion and Commitment in
Prevention Act 1996, while the UK government hurriedly put in place the Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Act 1998 after an August 1998 bombing in Omagh that killed twenty-nine people.
The post-9/11 landscape of proscription
The attacks on 11 September 2001 were a pivotal moment in global counter-terrorism policy generally and proscription specifically. Within weeks of the attacks, the United Nations produced a resolution calling for a global legislative offensive against terrorism, prompting urgent legislative drafting throughout 2002. The European Union
fighting for the rights of the Kurdish people’ (Weir 2006 ), while Jeremy Corbyn drew historical parallel with the UK’s previous tolerance of dissident movements from across the world:
it is important that this country does not just automatically proscribe an organisation because Government X, Y or Z has said so. If we did that, our history would be very different. Apartheid South Africa banned the African National Congress, yet the ANC had offices in this country, organised in this country, was completely open in this country, and eventually apartheid fell and
Racialisation of countering violent extremism programming in the US
this, however, government policies on extremism in the US remain focused mainly (and, often, only) on jihadist extremism and ignore the rising violence from right-wing extremists. 2
This chapter addresses this gap with regard to violent extremism in the US, wherein right-wing violent extremists are often ignored in government policies and programmes on preventing and countering extremism in general. It argues that this erasure of right-wing extremism, both violent and non-violent, from discussions and policies regarding extremism in the US creates a context wherein
Inapplicability and necessity in Bosnia Herzegovina
Tanya Dramac Jiries
after the war’s end, Bosnia held its first democratic elections, internally displaced persons and refugees began returning back to their pre-war homes, and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia issued the first indictments for crimes against humanity.
A number of foreign fighters from North Africa, the Middle East and the Gulf States who had fought for BiH in the 1990s war received honorary citizenship for their services. After the US government launched a global ‘war on terror’ after 9/11, Bosnia again became a country of interest. After the