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the agenda through the pushing of its policies, as well as through the diversion of the actions of rival policy entrepreneurs, such as the UK government. EU institutions in the external dimension of the asylum policy: a place for the Commission as a supranational policy entrepreneur? As explained in the previous chapter, the European Commission

in European internal security

political considerations in the business of defence planning. However, such a mechanism, were it to be introduced, would involve complications. Firstly how would it avoid the tag of unaccountability that has dogged the HSE? Moreover the experience of the UK is to be considered. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) is both a department of state handling policy issues and the Supreme Headquarters of the Armed Forces

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy

In the imperial sphere, the Labour government pursued a policy of ‘conservatism decked out to appear … progressive’. 2 Retreat from the Indian subcontinent led to renewed attempts to preserve British influence throughout the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa as ministers and officials attempted to redevelop the Empire along new lines. While numerous studies have focused on colonial development and

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51

Introduction The EU’s enlargement from fifteen to twenty-five members brings both risks and opportunities for the EU’s most challenging policy initiative, the ESDP. It crystallises the fundamental questions at its heart. What policy priorities and common interests shape ESDP? What capabilities does ESDP possess and what does it still need? What sort of leadership will be

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Abstract only

promise of future EU membership – how can we expect it to have an impact further afield, in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, North Africa or the Middle East? If EU member states cannot formulate a common position and act in unison in Bosnia, how can we expect the EU to present a common front regarding other complex international issues? Policy failures such as the Libya crisis in 2011 are a constant

in EU Foreign and Security Policy in Bosnia

capable of promoting collective security. Indeed, the European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) was famously criticised over its inaction in Libya with one diplomat declaring ‘The CFSP died in Libya – we just have to pick a sand dune under which we can bury it’. 59 This is not that surprising given the different foreign policy goals being pursued between France and the UK on the one side, and

in Violence and the state

generations of Irish national security policy managers have sought to severely discourage immigration into Ireland. Strategic factors that have underlined cooperation and immigration control have included the threat of republican irredentism and the Common Travel Area between Ireland and the UK. There is no major point of departure between what this book claims and the findings of other literature in the field

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
Active internationalism and ‘credible neutrality’

criticising South Africa’s apartheid system and was also critical of human rights abuses in Eastern Europe. Perhaps the most noted example is Sweden’s criticism of America during the Vietnam War (what Palme called ‘an abnegation of human dignity’) (1972: 8). Stockholm made clear its difficulties with the USA’s South East Asia policy and the US view of Sweden was that of a ‘troublemaker’, aligned to the peace

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality

Illegal immigration Another major security challenge is that posed by illegal immigration. The phenomenon comprises different categories of people requiring responses that straddle traditional security policy divisions. It involves economic refugees and genuine political refugees fleeing instability, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa. Europol claims that organised crime

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement

Irish move (Author’s contacts, Department of Justice; Collins 2007 ). Significantly, the Irish government’s position was that the new Border Information System would ‘converse’ with that which would operate in Britain; the traditional exchange of information would continue (O’ Halpin 1999). 7 However, this masked an important policy difference between the governments. The UK authorities sought

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy