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A genealogical study of terrorism and counter-terrorism discourses
Chin-Kuei Tsui

counter-terrorism initiatives are indispensable. These include military-oriented counter-terrorism initiatives in the Middle East and North Africa region, the wider utilisation of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), public surveillance targeting certain minority groups (such as Muslim youths) and policies based on the UK’s CONTEST with the possibility of eroding human rights, individual liberty and freedom of speech and expression. Conclusion This chapter provides a genealogical and discursive analysis of the current radicalisation and (violent) extremism discourse. It

in Encountering extremism
Extremism and the ‘politics of mutual envy’ in Nigeria?
Akinyemi Oyawale

), especially from a very Westerncentric perspective. An entangled reading of the evolution of the concept within both contexts may help to shed light on how postcolonial mimicry has plagued African states in their security practice, and how a more critical engagement with Western concepts can serve to advance knowledge ( Barnard-Wills and Moore, 2010 ). Mayors’ attempts to Prevent (UK), Forestall (Nigeria) and possibly ‘reverse’ radicalisation Two main policies exemplify attempts by the British and Nigerian governments to combat terrorism through improvised untraditional

in Encountering extremism
Mariela Breen-Smyth

are laden with latent racism ( Goldberg, 2009 ; Kapoor, 2013 ). Security and citizenship Counter-terrorism policies impact differentially the security and citizenship of the population. First, ‘security’ is implicitly presumed to be that of the dominant (white) population, so insecurities experienced by suspect communities are only a concern insofar as they might drive ‘radicalisation’. Jarvis and Lister (2013) found that white participants in the UK viewed anti-terrorism measures as distanced from their everyday lives, whereas participants from ethnic

in Encountering extremism
Michael Mulqueen

political considerations in the business of defence planning. However, such a mechanism, were it to be introduced, would involve complications. Firstly how would it avoid the tag of unaccountability that has dogged the HSE? Moreover the experience of the UK is to be considered. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) is both a department of state handling policy issues and the Supreme Headquarters of the Armed Forces

in Re-evaluating Irish national security policy
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Securing Europe in the twenty-first century
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

long as either France or the UK – the two EU states with the force projection capabilities necessary for any extra-European intervention – participate. Finally, the technology of summation is relevant to understanding the EU’s relative success in executing the policies of assurance and prevention: individual member state contributions to those policies are compulsory and subject to the gross national

in EU security governance
Preempting disorder along the periphery
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

monitoring of implementation of peace or ceasefire agreements: Liberia, Ivory Coast, Sudan, Indonesia/Aceh, Sri Lanka; confidence-building measures: Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Horn of Africa; civil society development: Bolivia, Indonesia, Afghanistan; emergency electoral support: Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, Chechnya; high level policy advice: Afghanistan, Macedonia, Iraq, Lebanon; demobilisation and reintegration of

in EU security governance
Daniel W. B. Lomas

In the imperial sphere, the Labour government pursued a policy of ‘conservatism decked out to appear … progressive’. 2 Retreat from the Indian subcontinent led to renewed attempts to preserve British influence throughout the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa as ministers and officials attempted to redevelop the Empire along new lines. While numerous studies have focused on colonial development and

in Intelligence, security and the Attlee governments, 1945–51
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Securing us?
Lee Jarvis and Tim Legrand

Commonwealth countries. Indeed, as we argue in Chapter 2 , the United Nations appears to have held up the UK’s membership offences as a best-practice model of anti-terrorism law-making in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. It is unsurprising, therefore – to take one example – that a 2001 amendment to Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 saw a direct emulation of the UK’s proscription provisions set out in the TA 2000. This is a language, moreover, that has been mirrored in English-speaking countries across parts of Asia and Africa, and yet the logics that inspired the UK

in Banning them, securing us?
Alistair J.K. Shepherd

Introduction The EU’s enlargement from fifteen to twenty-five members brings both risks and opportunities for the EU’s most challenging policy initiative, the ESDP. It crystallises the fundamental questions at its heart. What policy priorities and common interests shape ESDP? What capabilities does ESDP possess and what does it still need? What sort of leadership will be

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
A tough but necessary measure?
Lee Jarvis and Tim Legrand

in the UK during the war (see Van der Bijl 2017 , 29–30). The KCA had been formed to organise resistance to land appropriations by settlers, and was proscribed by colonial authorities in 1940 (Grob-Fitzgibbon 2015 , 194). Kenyatta, who would go on to become Kenya’s first post-independence leader, took over the leadership of the Kenya Africa Union (KAU) in 1947. The group’s agitation against the precepts of colonial rule earned Kenyatta and the KAU’s senior officials close attention from colonial authorities. Violent resistance against British rule broke out in

in Banning them, securing us?