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Postmodern war in Kosovo and Chechnya

This book draws on several years of field research, as well as hermeneutic global politics and analysis of empirical source material, in order to shed light on contemporary violence. Drawing on interpretive approaches to international relations, the book argues that founding events and multiple contexts informed the stories used by different members of the Kosovan and Chechen movements involved, respectively, in conflicts with the federal authorities in Serbia and Russia. The book examines why elements within the Kosovo Liberation Army and the armed forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria employed regional and local strategies of war in the Balkans and the North Caucasus in the late 1990s. Using post-positivist analysis, the book unravels the complex relationship between regional politics and trans-local accounts of identity, social networks and narratives, globalisation and visual aspects of contemporary security. These themes, together with criminality and emotionality, draw attention to the complex dynamics within the armed resistance movements in Kosovo and the North Caucasus, and the road to war in these regions at the end of the twentieth century.

America, Britain and the United Nations during the Congo crisis 1960– 1964

In 1962, Congo was catapulted into the international consciousness as the scene of conflict and confusion when a civil and constitutional crisis erupted just a week after the independence ceremony. The breakdown of law and order began when the Congolese army, the Force Publique, mutinied against their Belgian officers, leading to violence and chaos in the capital Leopoldville. This book reinterprets the role of the United Nations (UN) Organization in this conflict by presenting a multidimensional view of how the UN operated in response to the crisis. The United States (US) and Britain were directly involved with formulating UN Congo policy, through an examination of the Anglo-American relationship. The book analyses how the crisis became positioned as a lightning rod in the interaction of decolonisation with the Cold War, and wider relations between North and South. It establishes why, in 1960, the outbreak of the Congo crisis and its successive internationalisation through UN intervention was an important question for Anglo-American relations. The book highlights the changing nature of the UN from 1960 to 1961. It focuses on the emergence of a new US policy in New York. Discussing the role of United Nations activities in the Congo (Operation des Nations Unies au Congo), it explains why military incursions into Katanga in September, and again in December of 1961, proved damaging to the Anglo-American relationship. The invigoration of the Secretariat, demands of the Afro-Asian bloc, Operation UNOKAT, and efforts to construct a Western friendly regime in the Congo are also discussed.

work together through the mechanism of the European Union. He focused particularly on what he called Europe’s seven value reversals; namely, a commitment to international law; supra-national supervision of human rights by the Strasbourg Court; the creation of a European Zone of Peace and the dedication of European national armies to peacekeeping and peacemaking; the substitution of aid for colonialism; the abolition MUP_Hume_Peacemaking.indd 110 11/10/2013 15:25 Europe’s role in world peace 111 of capital punishment; global ecological action; and the

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century

must be killing as many as the Interahamwe and the Government army and I should be reporting this.’5 The print media similarly assumed that the RPF must either be carrying out revenge atrocities or would do so as soon as it reached areas where Hutu control had been strong. Robert Block, on the front page of the Independent, for example, was not exceptional in portraying the Tutsi as vengeful killers: White.indd 107 10/6/2014 5:35:39 PM 108 The ignorant bystander? To the east an angry rebel army pressed ahead with its offensive ... The speed of the assault on

in The ignorant bystander?

of a number of Asian states ‘& [the] UN would be at an end’. An ‘equally big question’ was whether action of this kind against China would be considered by Russia to make eventual world war so certain that she would decide to move in Europe soon. Everyone agreed that there would at present be no counter to a Soviet move in force in Europe. Presumably, Younger thought, the Americans would want to atom bomb Russia (no doubt from UK bases), but whatever that might do to Russia, it would not prevent the Red Army from reaching the Channel ports. Once that had happened

in Britain’s Korean War
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

already deployed along the Turkish–Syrian border: “[It is] Turkey [which] now faces a growing military danger from the major build-up of arms in Syria.” Depicting that state of affairs as a threat to Turkey was, by all accounts, an exaggeration: most of the Syrian army, then numbering 50,000 men, was deployed along the Israeli border or in and around Damascus as a shield against coup d’état attempts; its equipment, albeit modern, had yet to be properly integrated. On the other hand, Turkey boasted an army of half a million men. It was NATO’s largest land force

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

obvious in Turkey where, in the name of Ataturk, the military has regularly intervened against the left and more recently against Islamists. It is also apparent in Algeria, Egypt and Syria where the military has repressed Islamist movements. Only in Iran has the military itself been Islamised, although Islamic penetration of the lower ranks of the military is probably widespread elsewhere (Ayubi 1995: 264–5). However, the armies that once challenged imperialism or championed Pan-Arabism have for the most part become shields of state autonomy from societal challenges

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)

Minister, Turgut Ozal, proclaimed (in 1987) a state of emergency. This was imposed in seven provinces, out of Turkey’s seventy-six, which are in the southeast of the country and are largely Kurdish populated. Even though power had been restored in Turkey to civil bodies and institutions in 1983 – after it had been rescinded in the 1980 coup d’état of General Kenan Evren – policy towards the Kurds continued to be determined by the army. Also, in the mixed decision-making bodies the military has the upper hand when it comes to the Kurdish issue. The discussions

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
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educated, the army in which they are trained ... the language we speak and the air we breathe, the landscape we see and the vegetation that surrounds us – all of it is Jewish. (Cited in Peretz, 1991:86) This state–ethnic identification has led to what Yiftachel (2006) calls an ‘ethnocracy’, or the rule of one ethnic group – and precluded the plausibility of an 05_Ahmad_Ch-4.indd 70 8/20/2013 1:54:39 PM MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/20/2013, SPi divide et impera 71 overarching frame of identification for all citizens. Given this, the state embarked on two parallel

in Thorough surveillance