Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh

8 The art of losing the state: weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher The conflict around Nagorno-Karabakh offers an insight into the rules and processes that governed the transformation of a weak empire into even weaker nation-states. More than other conflicts escalating into collective violence during the demise of the USSR, Nagorno-Karabakh had connotations of civil and interstate war, heavily involved official central and local Soviet institutions and led to the creation of new local institutions. The Nagorno

in Potentials of disorder

2 Labour migration policy theory – the state of the art Introduction What do we know about government policies in Europe over labour migration, and how can we understand the ways they have changed so dramatically in Europe since the late 1990s? This chapter interrogates the literature on policy theory and labour migration, building on various approaches and ideas to develop a novel way of looking at policymaking. The chapter has three main aims: first, to critically examine existing theories of migration policy-making and evaluate their accounts of the policy

in Managing labour migration in Europe
Editor’s Introduction

creating the conditions for a discussion between practitioners and researchers. Contributors to the current issue are researchers – practitioners stimulated by reflecting around their work – and practitioners turned researchers, with some articles being written by four hands. Most of the authors would consider humanitarian aid not as an exact science but an art, or at least a craft characterised by the ‘irreducible uncertainties’ of the situations encountered by teams on the ground. As Champy

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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

). Betts , A. and Bloom , L . ( 2014 ), ‘ Humanitarian Innovation: The State of the Art ’, in OCHA Policy and Studies Series ( New York : United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs ). Boltanski , L. and Chiapello , E . ( 2005 ), The New Spirit of Capitalism ( London and New York : Verso . Original edition , 1999 ). BOND ( 2003 ), Joint statement by members of the International Global Security and Development Network on the Development Assistance Committee (DAC), ‘A

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A Focus on Community Engagement

), ‘ Ebola: Limitations of Correcting Misinformation ’, The Lancet , 385 , 1275 – 1277 , doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(14)62382-5 . Cohn , S. and Kutalek , R. ( 2016 ), ‘ Historical Parallels, Ebola Virus Disease and Cholera: Understanding Community Distrust and Social Violence with Epidemics ’, PLOS Currents Outbreaks , 1 , http://currents.plos.org/outbreaks/index.html%3Fp=64080.html (accessed 1 September 2018) . Détienne , M. ( 2002 ), ‘ L’art de construire des comparables. Entre historiens et anthropologues ’, Critique internationale , 14 , 68 – 78

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Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

, that it allowed for the permanent repatriation of the wounded, provided they did not take up arms again for the duration of the war (Art. 6). While such a provision was conceivable in the context of nineteenth-century conflicts, the advent of total war rendered it anachronistic. It was removed in 1906 with the Convention’s first revision, which granted the wounded prisoner-of-war status. With that genealogical detail out of the way, let us return to the generally accepted use of the ‘neutrality’ concept and ask ourselves whether it is ethically acceptable to pledge

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An alternative model?

-based majority governments, the norm. They will also be considered in chapter 11, which includes a discussion of the dual executive in these two countries. The Nordic parliaments: the common denominators 1. Unicameral legislatures Outside Finland, which has had a single-chamber Eduskunta since 1906, all the Nordic parliaments have become unicameral legislatures since the Second World War. Constitutional reform saw the abolition of upper chambers in ­ Den­mark in 1953 (Arter 1991) and Sweden in 1970 (von Sydow 1989, 1991), although right-wing opposition to the move prompted the

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– the Young Finns sought particularly to appeal to younger, middle-class, urban voters, with rather nebulous rhetoric about the need to change the political culture. Its ‘pick and mix’ programme included sizeable budget cuts – including the abolition of party, agriculture and enterprise subsidies – a shift from income to consumer taxation and a pledge to teach Finns 106 Parties, voters and social change to use computer networks (Arter 1995: 201). By 1999 the Young Finns’ vote had fallen to 1 per cent and it had only a single MP elected, and in 2003 it lost its

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subsidies to farmers in Norway) and constitutes only a tiny fraction of voters, the former farmers’ parties have struggled to stabilise non-agrarian support and to build lasting alliances with significant sections of the predominantly urban electorate. They have attracted at times considerable support from outside the classe gardée but, importantly, not on a regularised basis (Arter 2001: 182–3). Building a stable body of support in the capital city and its environs has proved especially problematical for the former farmers’ parties. Whereas the Swedish Centre had its

in Scandinavian politics today

-legislative commissions of inquiry constituted ‘the first stage in Sweden’s negotiating democracy’ (Arter 2000: 110). On the first page alone of the introductory chapter of their edited volume, Lars-Göran Stenelo and Magnus Jerneck refer to Sweden as a ‘negotiating democracy’, ‘bargaining democracy’ and ‘consensual democracy’ and to the Swedish model of the ‘politics of compromise’ (Stenelo and Jerneck 1996: 11). They define a ‘bargaining democracy’ as one in which ‘negotiations as a method of conflict resolution predominate over voting but naturally do not exclude it’ (Stenelo and

in Scandinavian politics today