Carla Konta

-Lussier concentrated, respectively, on the consequences of using dancers and musicians to make political statements about American foreign and domestic policies. 9 This chapter investigates how the CPP linked American private artists sponsored by the CU, the Embassy, and USIS, with Yugoslav art directors, music commentators, journalists, and audiences, to encompass medium- and long-term psychological effects, particularly through enhancing artistic freedom and creativity. The influence of American popular music – mainly jazz and rock ‘n’ roll – on Yugoslav pop culture has been

in US public diplomacy in socialist Yugoslavia, 1950–70
Murray Stewart Leith and Duncan Sim

government. Their importance may be seen by the fact that they contribute annually almost £3 billion to the Scottish economy and employ more than 63,000 people (Archer 2014 ). In this chapter, we explore various aspects of Scottish culture, including literature, language, music, theatre, film and art, and we also look at the Scottish Government’s cultural policies and how they are contributing to the nation’s sense of well-being, as well as its sense of identity. Literature It is not, of course, possible in a short chapter to discuss in detail Scotland’s literary

in Scotland
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

8 The art of losing the state: weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher The conflict around Nagorno-Karabakh offers an insight into the rules and processes that governed the transformation of a weak empire into even weaker nation-states. More than other conflicts escalating into collective violence during the demise of the USSR, Nagorno-Karabakh had connotations of civil and interstate war, heavily involved official central and local Soviet institutions and led to the creation of new local institutions. The Nagorno

in Potentials of disorder
Alex Balch

2 Labour migration policy theory – the state of the art Introduction What do we know about government policies in Europe over labour migration, and how can we understand the ways they have changed so dramatically in Europe since the late 1990s? This chapter interrogates the literature on policy theory and labour migration, building on various approaches and ideas to develop a novel way of looking at policymaking. The chapter has three main aims: first, to critically examine existing theories of migration policy-making and evaluate their accounts of the policy

in Managing labour migration in Europe
An alternative model?
David Arter

-based majority governments, the norm. They will also be considered in chapter 11, which includes a discussion of the dual executive in these two countries. The Nordic parliaments: the common denominators 1. Unicameral legislatures Outside Finland, which has had a single-chamber Eduskunta since 1906, all the Nordic parliaments have become unicameral legislatures since the Second World War. Constitutional reform saw the abolition of upper chambers in ­ Den­mark in 1953 (Arter 1991) and Sweden in 1970 (von Sydow 1989, 1991), although right-wing opposition to the move prompted the

in Scandinavian politics today
David Arter

– the Young Finns sought particularly to appeal to younger, middle-class, urban voters, with rather nebulous rhetoric about the need to change the political culture. Its ‘pick and mix’ programme included sizeable budget cuts – including the abolition of party, agriculture and enterprise subsidies – a shift from income to consumer taxation and a pledge to teach Finns 106 Parties, voters and social change to use computer networks (Arter 1995: 201). By 1999 the Young Finns’ vote had fallen to 1 per cent and it had only a single MP elected, and in 2003 it lost its

in Scandinavian politics today
David Arter

subsidies to farmers in Norway) and constitutes only a tiny fraction of voters, the former farmers’ parties have struggled to stabilise non-agrarian support and to build lasting alliances with significant sections of the predominantly urban electorate. They have attracted at times considerable support from outside the classe gardée but, importantly, not on a regularised basis (Arter 2001: 182–3). Building a stable body of support in the capital city and its environs has proved especially problematical for the former farmers’ parties. Whereas the Swedish Centre had its

in Scandinavian politics today
David Arter

-legislative commissions of inquiry constituted ‘the first stage in Sweden’s negotiating democracy’ (Arter 2000: 110). On the first page alone of the introductory chapter of their edited volume, Lars-Göran Stenelo and Magnus Jerneck refer to Sweden as a ‘negotiating democracy’, ‘bargaining democracy’ and ‘consensual democracy’ and to the Swedish model of the ‘politics of compromise’ (Stenelo and Jerneck 1996: 11). They define a ‘bargaining democracy’ as one in which ‘negotiations as a method of conflict resolution predominate over voting but naturally do not exclude it’ (Stenelo and

in Scandinavian politics today
David Arter

examining government activities from a constitutional standpoint (Arter 1984: 381–8). Since 1996 the Constitution Committee has produced two review reports annually. The first in the parliamentary year, in December, is on ‘general matters’ (allmänna ärenden). This is concerned to ensure that the procedures and norms relating to the administration of government have been faithfully observed. The matters in this administrative review are taken up by the Committee staff and typically lead to criticisms of such things as dilatory ministerial responses to parliamentary

in Scandinavian politics today
David Arter

an interest-specific farmers’ party proved stillborn (Arter 1978). In areas where agriculture was not really commercialised, a rural–urban cleavage spawned peasant parties. These were prevalent in central and eastern Europe between the wars and led to the organis­ ation of several Green Internationals in Prague from the 1930s onwards. Finally, there was the proletarian revolution. The emergence of a numerically significant industrial working class created a conflict involving workers versus owners and produced the conditions for the emergence of social democratic

in Scandinavian politics today