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Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland

local identity politics. 12 The equivalent emic expression is rodjak (or the diminutive rodjo). 13 The extermination of converts by Prince Danilo, which is the central theme of Njegoš’s epic poem, lacks historical validity (Djilas 1966). Conversion to Islam was contested, but remains an integral part of Montenegro’s history. 14 http://www.rastko.rs/knjizevnost/umetnicka/njegos/mountain_wreath.html#meet ing. Travelling genealogies 99 15 See below for reflections on the gender dimensions of this process. 16 The introduction of the Bajraktar title can also be seen as

in Migrating borders and moving times

and Mustapić, 2018), football fandom is not always about political expression. While part of the ultras’ identity is about being transgressive, challenging authority and resisting modern football, it is not the only aspect. For some fans, ultras included, there is a sociability associated with fandom (Giulianotti, 2005; Doidge, 2015a). Some fans just want to socialise with other fans like them; not everything has to have an explicit political motivation. Social media and Internet forums can act as community spaces and develop their own norms of behaviour (Millward

in Ultras

agreement about the socially cathartic potential of exhumations, these are processes that can be unusually problematic (see Renshaw 2010) and enormously contested, as was illustrated by the Chibondo events, which I turn to below. This is particularly the case where the identity of the dead and the manner of their deaths are uncertain. In the exhumations of mass graves at Chimoio, Nyadzonia, Freedom camp and other former guerrilla camps in Zambia and Mozambique, the political identity of the dead and the manner of their deaths were hardly in dispute, even Remaking the

in Governing the dead
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A conclusion

collective that base their identity around a form of consumption (football) that links to modern notions of identity like masculinity and nationalism. This collective identity is generated and reinforced through the collective rituals associated with matchday attendance. The match provides a focal point for the group. These regular, repetitive congregations are not a passive act, but active engagement which continues throughout the week as chants, banners and tifos are planned. The football season provides many of these focal points and this has a cumulative effect for the

in Ultras

and Miller 2006) showed how new innovations were channelled into long-established national and personal projects of freedom. The internet in particular took on a utopian representation that conjoined personal and market freedom with ideas of global mobility and identity, giving it ‘a symbolic totality as well as a practical multiplicity’ (Miller and Slater 2000: 16). The same can be said about today’s Engineering ethnography 83 growing flow of data, powered by mutual improvements to internet services and mobile devices. The internet was once the domain of the

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world
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groups displaying collective behaviour that pride themselves on having a shared, coherent sense of identity based on an act of consumption: that of football. This book marks half a century of the ultras phenomenon. Although passionate fans have been following football since the beginning, and certain elements of the ultras style existed elsewhere (notably with the Torcida group in Split, Croatia), the ultras can date their formation back to AC Milan’s Fossa dei Leoni in 1968. Few cultural activities engage as many people as football, and within football fandom, the

in Ultras

identity of ultras groups in different countries is important, ultras culture should be looked at as one responding to social changes. The history of ultras in different countries must therefore take into account the socio-economic and cultural heritage of particular regions, as well as the current state of football in the country, the impact of commercialisation and legal restrictions. Ultras terraces tend to be a filter through which external political and cultural influences permeate. The filter, however, is not a passive structure, but a living tissue which creates

in Ultras

diverse range of aspects that make up the identity of the ultras. From choreographies, striscione (banners) and chanting, stickers that are exchanged with friends or used to publicise the group, to violence and chaos, there are certain common themes that unite ultras from all teams. Despite this unification and similar culture, there are certain specific features that are unique to fans of each team. Choreographies are one of the distinctive aspects of ultras culture, and the one that distinguishes it from other fan cultures, specifically the ‘English style’ of

in Ultras
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over history and identities, especially national identity. (Sindbæk, 2013: 1) Ultras groups have taken key positions within these debates as nations, clubs and groups construct their own invented traditions and collective memories over their respective imagined communities. These contestations, debates and conflicts are actively performed in and around football through the use of nationalist symbols. Many Croatian fans, ultras and players have performatively expressed the Ustaše salute of Za Dom Spremni (Ready for the homeland), that is connected to the official

in Ultras
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The bodyand counter-revolutionary warfare inapartheid South Africa

Apartheid South Africa  205 The war comes home Among the many omissions laid at the door of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is the absence of statistics indicating the number of persons killed as a result of political violence during the thirty-four-year period covered by its remit (1 March 1960 to 10 May 1994). This seems surprising for a commission specifically mandated to discover the ‘nature, causes and extent of gross violations of human rights’4 – of which killing was one such violation – and to determine the identity of both victims and

in Destruction and human remains