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2504Chap2 7/4/03 12:38 pm Page 29 2 Contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia Douglas Blum Since their very inception, many of the Soviet successor states have been beset by ethnic violence, crime, trafficking – in arms, drugs and people – terrorism, poverty, pollution and migration.1 Most have also faced deeper problems of legitimacy and ideological drift. To a significant extent these pathologies can be traced back to the delegitimisation of the entire Soviet world view, and the lack of any viable replacement. The existence of an

in Limiting institutions?
A Focus on Community Engagement

( Olivier de Sardan, 2005 ): chiefs, women, elders and youths seen as legitimate actors, able to both represent and influence the ‘community’ – that is, to be intermediaries of community engagement between the intervention and local populations. This article shows how both the legitimacy of these actors embodying the response and eventually the intervention itself was contested and negotiated through localised encounters. 1 We present three ethnographic cases based on first-hand, epidemic-related field observations of community engagement and local resistance. The authors

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

’s quarter-century timeline and helped to link the historical element of our discussions directly to the future of the region. Given the open nature of the discussions and the sensitive nature of much of the material shared, it was also important that all participants were made aware of some ground rules for discussion from the outset. We suggest adopting a version of the Chatham House Rule, where ‘participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

disconnections. The overlap here with neoliberalism’s necessarily ignorant subject is returned to below. Importantly, the pure factuality of a post-humanist existence casts doubts on the distinction between a lived reality and a wider world, a distinction that is central to knowledge and the narrative of history. Without this separation there is no space, as it were, for a political commons of contrasting life-chances, contestation and critique that is essential if we are to successfully share the world with Others. In its absence, as Bruno Latour

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only
Security politics and identity policy

define and solidify Australian national identity have always been contested and unstable, how they have been linked with tangible conflicts over land, injustice and power, and how they have been closely intertwined with anxieties about (and discourses of) insecurity. It then goes on to challenge these approaches on two levels: normatively, it argues that such a politics forestalls

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Open Access (free)
The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

forge a common national identity among their populations. Where the drive to bring state and nation into correspondence is obstructed, irredentist conflicts tend to destabilise regimes and foster inter-state conflict. Nowhere is the divergence of identity and state sharper than in the Middle East. There popular identification with many individual states has been contested by strong sub- and supra-state identities, diluting and limiting the mass loyalty to the state typical where it corresponds to a recognised nation (Ayoob 1995: 47–70; Hudson 1977: 33

in The international politics of the Middle East

identity and sovereignty, nation and state, inflicted on the region, a conundrum better addressed by constructivism . 3 Its insistence that systemic structures are not just material configurations of power and wealth and include the cultural norms that derive from identity , helps to understand how the region’s powerful supra-state identities lead to a unique contestation of the state sovereignty which underlays the stability of other regional states systems. Secondly, this study will argue that the state and sub-state levels are at least as

in The international politics of the Middle East
Abstract only

the centuries be underestimated. Indeed, Vietnam’s own southern expansion was less about Vietnamisation than the multifaceted integration of Cham, Khmer and upland cultures, not to mention wider seaborne links with various Indian, Japanese, Malay and European traders and missionaries (Li 1998). The contours of Southeast Asia are fluid and contested, but its cultural diversity offers a rich iconography for constructing regionalist identity as

in Soldered states