Search results

A Focus on Community Engagement

( Olivier de Sardan, 2005 ): chiefs, women, elders and youths seen as legitimate actors, able to both represent and influence the ‘community’ – that is, to be intermediaries of community engagement between the intervention and local populations. This article shows how both the legitimacy of these actors embodying the response and eventually the intervention itself was contested and negotiated through localised encounters. 1 We present three ethnographic cases based on first-hand, epidemic-related field observations of community engagement and local resistance. The authors

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

’s quarter-century timeline and helped to link the historical element of our discussions directly to the future of the region. Given the open nature of the discussions and the sensitive nature of much of the material shared, it was also important that all participants were made aware of some ground rules for discussion from the outset. We suggest adopting a version of the Chatham House Rule, where ‘participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

disconnections. The overlap here with neoliberalism’s necessarily ignorant subject is returned to below. Importantly, the pure factuality of a post-humanist existence casts doubts on the distinction between a lived reality and a wider world, a distinction that is central to knowledge and the narrative of history. Without this separation there is no space, as it were, for a political commons of contrasting life-chances, contestation and critique that is essential if we are to successfully share the world with Others. In its absence, as Bruno Latour

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 115 6 Privatisation: liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies related commodity governance schemes are meant to bring economic gains for individuals, groups and the state in a fair and neutral way, diminishing the possibility that economic resources will become a source of violent contestation. Ultimately, the transformation of war economies requires that assets, whether they be tangible (such as diamonds) or opportunities (in the form of business prospects), be transparently and

in Building a peace economy?

, the majority of Australian prime ministers have articulated an image of Australia amongst the Anglosphere in view of its historical links and continuing political and military cooperation with Great Britain. However, not all Australian prime ministers have conceived of Australian identity in this way. Under the premiership of Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating (1991–96) traditional notions of Australian subjectivity – of what it meant to be Australian – became fiercely contested. In a concerted departure from previous constructions of the nation, Keating’s national

in The politics of identity
Abstract only

, however we define globalization, one can hardly remain oblivious to events around the globe. Identities are responses of individuals and groups to these changes. This means that the individual/group has the agency; they are not passive recipients of all that is happening around them. Having said that, I would like to go back to the point of social construction. The act of construction is carried out through various means, and through formal and informal institutions such as family, school, associations, etc. The identity, however defined, is bound to be contested within

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Contesting conscription

people make that break. (ECC activist Janet Cherry, cited in Frederikse, 1990: 214) Resisting conscription, whether as a conscientious objector or as a peace activist in the ECC, was an alternative performance of citizenship and gender identity. Objectors were ‘strangers’ in the public realm whose contestation of conscription also contested the central performance of citizenship and masculinity. Although the refusal to perform conscription united objectors and ECC activists, this chapter will argue that, despite this commonality of goals, there were multiple

in Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign
Caste-based discrimination and the mobilisation of Dalit sameness

the one hand, the contingent and evolving nature of 182 Contesting identity Dalit identity and, on the other hand, the manifold attempts at appropriation that exist at any given point in time. Set within wider considerations of identity formation and reification, the analysis thereby validates the notion that both of these processes are reflective of and actuated by an intrinsic impossibility of saturation and completion. In addition, it substantiates the ­insistence that identity is always elusive and, in itself, an estrangement. The latter e­ ffectively

in The politics of identity
Abstract only
Labour’s return to opposition, 2010 to the present

rhetoric with the greatest nostalgic resonance, could flourish. As this book has shown, within the wider party, Labour remained characterised by its nostalgiaimbued identity. In the 2015 Labour leadership contest, a new electoral system that delivered more power to a nostalgic rank-and-file delivered a decisive victory for Corbyn on the first round of voting. Jeremy Corbyn as leader During the relatively short period in which Jeremy Corbyn has been Labour Leader, very few concrete policy proposals have originated from the party.115 This limits any assessment of the

in Nostalgia and the post-war Labour Party
Democracy’s colonization of alterity

rise to and sustain that plurality. This chapter contests this belief, suggesting, rather, that plurality is severely circumscribed by the ontological structure and the economic processes endemic to political participation. Being a state or a citizen requires being recognizable as such, which requires conforming to the dominant organizational strictures of statehood and personhood. In accordance with these organizational strictures, sovereign entities (individual bearers of rights and nation-states) approach others through one of two colonizing actions: by engulfing

in Democracy in crisis